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home > by publication type > backgrounder > IRAQ: Iraq's Governing Council
| Author: | Sharon Otterman |
|---|
May 17, 2004
A diverse mixture of Iraqis—including recently returned exiles, tribal leaders, women, religious Muslim conservatives, and secular political leaders. Shiites, who account for 60 percent of the Iraqi population, are allotted 13 seats on the U.S.-appointed council; 12 seats are divided among Iraq’s main minorities: Sunni Arabs, Kurds, Assyrians, and Turkmen. Two members of the council have been assassinated. On May 17, a suicide car bombing in Baghdad killed Ezzidin Salim, a leader of the Islamic Da’wa Party, one of the most influential Shiite Muslim political factions in Iraq. Salim was the council’s president in May; members fill the post monthly on a rotating basis. Akila al-Hashimi, a Shiite woman and former Iraqi diplomat, was killed in September 2003. She was replaced in December by Salama al-Khufaji, a female dentistry professor at Baghdad University.
Powerful and, in some cases, stridently anti-U.S. Shiite religious leaders, such as Imam Muqtada al-Sadr, who has been leading an uprising against U.S. forces. Also excluded are former members of Saddam Hussein’s Baath Party, many of whom were Sunni Muslims. U.S. officials hold ex-Baathists and foreign terrorists responsible for continuing attacks against American forces in Falluja and other towns of the largely Sunni area north and west of Baghdad.
They were appointed by the occupation authorities, who consulted with the major anti-Saddam groups that had worked with Washington before the Iraq war. The U.N. representative in Iraq, Sergio Vieira de Mello, also advised on the council’s makeup. Vieira de Mello and 22 others were killed August 19, 2003, when a truck bomb exploded outside the U.N. headquarters in Baghdad.
Its ethnic and religious makeup is far more representative than any previous Iraqi government, and the Shiite majority, for the first time in Iraqi history, has a leading voice in politics. The council also includes representatives not closely aligned with American views—including a communist and at least one Shiite representative whose group has ties with Iran. On the other hand, returned Iraqi exiles are disproportionately represented, and there is limited representation of tribal leaders, who represent a potent force in traditional Iraqi society. The council lacks legitimacy with ordinary Iraqis, who do not view it as independent of occupying authorities.
Nine—six of the 12 Shiite representatives and three of the Arab Sunnis. In addition, five Kurdish representatives and at least one other Iraqi on the council have lived in northern Iraqi areas that had been outside of Saddam Hussein’s control since the 1991 Gulf War.
It can appoint interim diplomats and ministers, approve budgets, and propose policies, but the coalition authorities can veto any of its decisions. It was also scheduled to play a major role in the coalition’s plan for Iraq’s political future, but its importance on that front diminished since the United Nations, led by Special Envoy Lakhdar Brahimi, took control of the transition process in April. Brahimi plans to appoint a “caretaker” government of technocrats—not political figures on the Governing Council—to take over Iraq on June 30. But he has not yet made a final decision on who will run the government.
Since taking office July 13, 2003, it has appointed interim ministers to Iraq’s 25 ministries, attended meetings at the United Nations, and negotiated preliminary agreements with the governments of neighboring countries, such as Iran. But it has had trouble reaching consensus on key matters, many observers say. Unable to decide on a single president, it created a system in which a weak presidency rotates on a monthly basis among nine members—five Shiites, two Sunnis, and two Kurds. A committee it established to decide how a permanent Iraqi constitution should be written folded without progress in September, 2003; council members are now attempting to draft an interim constitution by February 28. Some U.S. officials have criticized the council for working too slowly and failing to reach out to ordinary Iraqis. Council members have defended themselves by pointing out that the issues they debate are complex and divisive. “We need to negotiate and have a dialogue to reach a decision,” member Mowaffak al-Rubaie told the Associated Press. “And when we do that, then we shall have to talk with our [coalition] partners, differ, negotiate, and compromise with them.”
Attempting to improve security, stability, and the delivery of basic services to the country, experts say. Its fate has thus been closely intertwined with that of the U.S.-led occupiers, who have been struggling to improve security and services to Iraq since Baghdad fell to coalition forces April 9, 2003.
The diverse group has had trouble reaching consensus on aspects of the plan to return Iraqi sovereignty by June 30. Shiite members, following the lead of the powerful Shiite cleric Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, pressed for early elections and rejected an earlier U.S. plan that established a complicated caucus system for choosing delegates to a transitional assembly. Many Sunnis and Kurdish representatives, meanwhile, opposed early elections because they feared they would cede too much power to the Shiite majority.
It is scheduled to be disbanded by June 30, in accordance with a plan to return sovereignty to Iraq on that date. The Coalition Provisional Authority, the U.S.-led occupation government in Baghdad, will also be dissolved. But some council members are reportedly pressing for senior positions in the new government or angling to keep the governing council intact, perhaps as an advisory body in the new government.
An 80-year-old former exile, Sayyed Mohammed Bahr al-Uloum. Experts consider him a moderate Shiite cleric; broadly speaking, means that he wants Iraq to be a tolerant, but religiously based, state. After Saddam Hussein’s regime killed some of his family, Uloum fled Iraq in 1991 to London, where he headed the Ahl al-Bayt charitable center. Though a respected religious leader, Uloum does not have the rank of ayatollah or the authority of Sistani. Uloum’s tenure on the council has not been smooth: he was almost killed November 12, 2003, when coalition forces inadvertently fired on his car, and he temporarily stepped down from the council in September to protest the lack of security that contributed to the August assassination of another important cleric, Mohammed Baqir al-Hakim.
Sources: Associated Press; Agence France Presse; The Washington Post; The New York Times; interviews with Phebe Marr, author of “The Modern History of Iraq,” Yitzhak Nakash, author of “The Shi’is of Iraq,” and Shibley Telhami, the Anwar Sadat Chair for Peace and Development at the University of Maryland.
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