This coauthored report from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy makes the case that Israel is a strategic asset for the United States.

This task force on Russia and U.S. national interests, from Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and the Center for the National Interest, makes the case that Russia remains one of the handful of countries in the world that can deeply affect American national interests, demanding constant U.S. attention.

This is a joint report from CFR and Aspen Institute India detailing policy recommendations by high-level U.S. and Indian strategists for the U.S.-India relationship.

Robert D. Blackwill and Walter B. Slocombe argue that Israeli contributions to U.S. national interests are underappreciated.

Graham Allison and Robert D. Blackwill state, "...Russia matters a great deal to a U.S. government seeking to defend and advance its national interests."

This coauthored report from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy makes the case that Israel is a strategic asset for the United States.

This task force on Russia and U.S. national interests, from Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs and the Center for the National Interest, makes the case that Russia remains one of the handful of countries in the world that can deeply affect American national interests, demanding constant U.S. attention.

The United States and India should hold classified exchanges on Pakistan's nuclear program and its role in Afghanistan as well as coordinate closely on global issues, says CFR's Robert D. Blackwill, co-chair of a new CFR-Aspen Institute India report.

This is a joint report from CFR and Aspen Institute India detailing policy recommendations by high-level U.S. and Indian strategists for the U.S.-India relationship.

Robert D. Blackwill and Naresh Chandra argue that the United States and India should not allow their bilateral relationship to drift.

Robert D. Blackwill says that while the Obama administration deserves credit for its foreign policy achievements, the president is mismanaging the three wars in which the United States is now engaged.

Robert D. Blackwill argues that de facto partition offers the Obama administration the best available alternative to strategic defeat in Afghanistan.

Although it has problems, a de facto partition of Afghanistan, in which Washington pursues nation building in the north and counterterrorism in the south, offers an acceptable fallback.

This RAND Corporation report analyzes the November 26, 2008, Mumbai terrorist attack and draws preliminary conclusions on what lessons can be derived from the incident, as well as its implications for India, Pakistan, and the world at large.

Robert D. Blackwill writes, "we are well along in a systemic decline in Russia's relations with the West. There is a familiar list of complaints from the industrial democracies regarding Moscow's actions, many of them justified. But most of Russia's contemporary offenses pale before what should be the West's highest policy priority — preventing Iran from possessing nuclear weapons."

The India Imperative by Robert D. Blackwill. National Interest, Summer 2005

What are the origins of the transformation of U.S.-Indian relations?

No bilateral relationship in George W. Bush's first term improved as much as that between the United States and India. The president has noted, "After years of estrangement, India and the United States together surrendered to reality. They recognized an unavoidable fact--they are destined to have a qualitatively different and better relationship than in the past." Some attribute the expansion in relations to the impact of 9/11. But this is not the case...

Notable opportunities exist for the U.S.-European relationship to help mold the twenty-first century’s international system. Despite the absence of the Soviet threat, the two sides of the Atlantic continue to share enduring vital interests and face a common set of challenges both in Europe and beyond. These challenges are so many and diverse that neither the United States nor the allies can adequately address these regional and global concerns alone, especially in light of growing domestic constraints on the implementation of foreign policy. Thus, promoting shared interests and managing common threats to the West in the years ahead will necessitate not only continued cooperation, but a broader and more comprehensive transatlantic partnership than in the past.

Five years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the United States and Russia stand at a crossroads on arms control. Many of the arms control regimes established by Republican and Democratic administrations are under serious challenge in both countries, with the potential to damage U.S. security. With these concerns in mind, the Council on Foreign Relations and the Nixon Center for Peace and Freedom joined together to sponsor an independent Task Force on U.S.-Russian arms control. The Task Force brief was to assess current and evolving political-military circumstances and the arms control regimes, and to recommend a U.S. policy for the next 12 months. In effect, the Task Force was asked how Americans in particular should think about arms control in the wake of the Cold War’s end and its importance, how to preserve what was worth preserving, and how to change what might need to be changed.