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Separatist violence continues to undermine democratic and economic progress in Indonesia. The breakdown of peace talks in Aceh, the country's westernmost province, highlights the difficulty of compromise after years of violence. At the other end of the far-flung Indonesian archipelago, trouble is brewing in Papua, the resource-rich yet impoverished region on the western half of the island of New Guinea where separatist groups have also waged a long struggle against the central government.
Yet there is no long-term alternative to pursuit of a comprehensive policy to expand local autonomy, economic and social development. To avoid a spiral of violence, the Indonesian government must persist in implementing agreements peacefully and through negotiations. Such efforts deserve support from the United States and other members of the international community. Aceh is in danger of sliding back to war between the Free Aceh Movement and government forces determined to prevent the province becoming independent. But Jakarta has an opportunity to take the initiative on the simmering situation in Papua and prevent conflict. Although Papua is endowed with vast natural resources, the 2001 UN Development Index ranked it as Indonesia's second-poorest province.
A special autonomy law for Papua was passed three years ago but has not been put into force. Its full and effective implementation would be a win-win situation. While preserving Indonesia's territorial integrity, special autonomy would allow the people of Papua to exercise full democratic rights and benefit from a significantly enhanced share of the province's vast natural resource wealth.
Progress has been hindered by competing priorities in Jakarta, and a lack of training and experience in Papua. It is also hindered by mutual distrust between ethnic Papuans and the Indonesian government. Although President Megawati Sukarnoputri of Indonesia has apologized for policy mistakes and army excesses in Papua, there is still much to be done to strengthen the rule of law, bring human rights offenders to justice and rebuild confidence.
To accelerate implementation of special autonomy, the Indonesian government should appoint a widely respected and experienced Indonesian as Papua coordinator, assisted by national and international experts in a special autonomy advisory group to draft regulations for power sharing.
Since the Indonesian military receives only about 25 percent of its budget from the national government, it raises the rest through a variety of legal and illegal enterprises. For example, a U.S. company, Freeport-McMoRan, pays the army up to $18 million annually to provide security for its mining operations in Papua. International businesses in Papua should gradually phase out their security contracts with the military and, as they do, the national government should increase its budgetary support.
In addition, the United States and other donor countries could expand army and police training activities focusing on effective security procedures that respect the rights of citizens. Assistance would emphasize policing that seeks to involve affected communities rather than intimidate them.
For the army and the police to play a constructive role, there must be accountability for past rights abuses. Acknowledgment of Papua's violent history would be advanced through a truth, justice and reconciliation process.
For special autonomy to work, Papua's people must see it as a way to advance democratization, rather than as a mechanism to foreclose their concept of freedom. And Indonesian authorities must realize that autonomy is about satisfying the legitimate concerns of ethnic Papuans, rather than an interim step to political independence.
While implementing these measures, Jakarta should postpone its plan to divide Papua into three provinces. Instead it should accelerate full implementation of special autonomy to strengthen local self-rule and its funding. Power-sharing is central to reducing tensions, promoting moderation and preserving national unity.
Expanded cooperation between the United States and Indonesia with an emphasis on peace and progress in Papua would enhance Indonesia's steady democratic progress and the interests of Papuans themselves. It would also build momentum for conflict prevention in other parts of the world's fourth most populous nation.
Dennis C. Blair, former commander in chief of the U.S. Pacific Command, is chairman and David L. Phillips is director of the Indonesia Commission at the Council on Foreign Relations.
