Pyongyang's unsuccessful missile launch delays a new nuclear threat but raises disturbing prospects for violence on the Korean Peninsula, says CFR President Richard N. Haass.

Steven A. Cook states that Iran's development of a nuclear weapon won't spur its neighbors to get the bomb.

Leslie H. Gelb argues that the world is distracted, and North Korea, South Korea, and the United States are stumbling, once again, toward a nuclear confrontation.

The Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS) Moratorium on the Importation, Exportation and Manufacture of Light Weapons was adopted on October 31, 1998.

Economic Community of Western African States Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons was adopted on June 14, 2006 and entered into force on November 20, 2009.

The White House released this statement on March 27, 2012 during the U.S.' participation in the nuclear security summit in Seoul, South Korea.

The Seoul summit advances global efforts on securing nuclear materials in dozens of countries, but the challenge will be to sustain the focus on the universal elimination of weapons-usable material, writes CFR's Micah Zenko.

This communiqué was released in a joint declaration of leaders at the 2012 Seoul Nuclear Security Summit in the Seoul, South Korea on March 27, 2012.

President Obama gave these remarks at Hankuk University in South Korea on March 26, 2012.

Upcoming negotiations are shadowed by Iran's increasing uranium enrichment capabilities. Four nonproliferation experts provide a path for resolving the intensifying nuclear dispute.

In addition to hosting the successful 2012 Nuclear Security Summit, South Korea is pursuing several nuclear-related national interests not directly associated with the conference.

The Lisbon Protocol to the START I Treaty (Protocol to the Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms) was signed on May 23, 1992.

UN Security Council Resolution 699 was adopted on June 17, 1991. The resolution gave the IAEA and the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM) authority to conduct inspections for weapons in Iraq and destroy, remove or render the weapons harmless. UNSCOM was replaced in 1999 with UN Monitoring Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC).

Micah Zenko discusses whether Israel should accept a nuclear ban.

This model additional protocol was released by the IAEA in September 1997 as "a model Additional Protocol designed for States having a Safeguards Agreement with the Agency, in order to strengthen the effectiveness and improve the efficiency of the safeguards system as a contribution to global nuclear nonproliferation objectives".

The 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons was held May 3-28, 2011. This final document includes "Review of the operation of the Treaty, as provided for in its article VIII (3), taking into account the decisions and the resolution adopted by the 1995 Review and Extension Conference and the Final Document of the 2000 Review Conference — Conclusions and recommendations for follow-on actions".

Republican presidential candidate and former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney outlines his strategy toward Iran in this Washington Post piece.

U.S. State Department Spokesperson Victoria Nuland gave this statement on February 29, 2012 regarding U.S.-North Korea bilateral talks and North Korea's agreement to implement a moratorium on nuclear activities including uranium enrichment.

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) published their updated report on the "Implementation of the NPT Safeguards Agreement in the Islamic Republic of Iran" on February 24, 2012. The report updates the nuclear situation in Iran since the last report of November 2011. Among its findings: "The Agency continues to have serious concerns regarding possible military dimensions to Iran's nuclear programme".

Richard N. Haass and Michael A. Levi say it is in the American interest to pursue a negotiated outcome to the current impasse with Iran because the main alternatives to diplomacy—war or the existence of an Iran with nuclear weapons—will be costly and risky.