The French government published a white paper on June 17, 2008, which, according to its introduction, "substantially redefines French strategy in a 15-year perspective, embracing both defense and national security." On April 29, 2013, the government released its fourth defense reform paper, which freezes the budget, further reduces personnel and equipment in addition to 2008 cuts, and focuses on intelligence gathering, cyberwarfare, and drones.
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey held this town hall meeting at the Yokota Air Base in Japan on April 25, 2013. He discussed the U.S. strategy to "rebalance" with the Asia Pacific, effects of sequestration, officer character reviews, and U.S. global power.
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Martin Dempsey and Chinese General Fang Fenghui held a press conference on April 24, 2013. They discussed the U.S.-China military relationship, especially in regard to addressing North Korean threats, joint military exercises, and cybersecurity.
The Chinese Information Office of the State Council published this white paper on April 16, 2013. It discusses the security, social, and economic challenges China's forces faces domestically and internationally.
The diplomatic strength and economic power of the United States depend upon a functioning global order and a system of international trade based on uncontested access to the global commons—the world's shared land, sea , air, and space—for all. Command of the global commons is what makes the United States a super power.
Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel delivered his first major policy speech as Pentagon chief at the National Defense University in Washington, D.C., April 3, 2013. The speech outlined potential departmental changes in acquisition, personnel, and organization, especially with the sequester, and addressed U.S. responses to North Korean threats.
For half a century, deterrence was the backbone of U.S. national security strategy. But now, Washington doesn't seem to know how and when to use it properly. The United States has needlessly applied deterrence to Russia, failed to apply it when it should have against Iraq and Iran, and been dangerously confused about whether to apply it to China. U.S. policymakers need to relearn the basics of deterrence in order to apply it successfully in the appropriate circumstances.
Micah Zenko argues, "routine and unchallenged assertions highlight what is perhaps the most widely agreed-upon conventional wisdom in U.S. foreign and national security policymaking: the inherent power of signaling."
People love to talk about "red lines" for all sorts of challenges, and the Iranian nuclear program is no exception. The United States can, in principle, threaten stronger sanctions if Iran crosses certain red lines. It can threaten military action if Iran crosses others. But it's not clear that setting red lines—particularly in public, where failing to follow through on threats can be costly—is a productive course.
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Campbell evaluates the implications of the Boko Haram insurgency and recommends that the United States support Nigerian efforts to address the drivers of Boko Haram, such as poverty and corruption, and to foster stronger ties with Nigerian civil society.
Koblentz argues that the United States should work with other nuclear-armed states to manage threats to nuclear stability in the near term and establish processes for multilateral arms control efforts over the longer term.
The authors argue that it is essential to begin working now to expand and establish rules and norms governing armed drones, thereby creating standards of behavior that other countries will be more likely to follow.
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