Though the release of the executive summary of the Senate’s report on the CIA’s post-9/11 detention and interrogation program is a worthwhile effort, this report will cover little new ground, Micah Zenko argues. Rather, a more public account, including interviews with torture victims and interrogation technique used by the Department of Defense, is needed. Zenko provides guidelines for and questions to think about while reading the report.
On May 09, 2014, Press Secretary Rear Admiral John Kirby previewed Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel's travel to Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel. Rear Admiral Kirby also provided details on U.S. participation in a coordination cell in Nigeria, to help Nigerian authorities analyze intelligence regarding Boko Haram's kidnapping of school girls.
The long-running debate over the tradeoffs the United States should make between national security and civil liberties flared up spectacularly last summer, when Edward Snowden, a National Security Agency contractor, handed journalists a huge trove of heavily classified documents that exposed, in excruciating detail, electronic surveillance programs and other operations carried out by the NSA. Americans suddenly learned that in recent years, the NSA had been acquiring the phone and Internet communications of hundreds of thousands of U.S. citizens, as well as collecting massive volumes of bulk telephone records known as "metadata" -- phone numbers and the time and length of calls.
In their essay "The End of Hypocrisy" (November/December 2013), Henry Farrell and Martha Finnemore argue that the biggest threat from leakers of classified information such as Chelsea Manning and Edward Snowden is that "they undermine Washington's ability to act hypocritically and get away with it."
On March 11, 2014, California Senator Dianne Feinstein gave this statement regarding Senate Intelligence Committee's oversight review of the Detention and Interrogation Program of the CIA. She gives a timeline of the overview's activities and describes how the members accessed CIA documents.
Author: Charles E. Berger National Interest Online
Charles Berger writes that the FBI has always been a national security agency that uses both its law enforcement and intelligence authorities as means to counter the most significant threats to the United States, despite claims to the contrary.
The annual worldwide threat briefings of the intelligence community began with Director of National Intelligence James Clapper's briefing to the U.S. Senate, during which he discussed the top threats facing the United States in 2014. In his article, Micah Zenko discusses the one thing that will remain shrouded from the American public—exactly who the United States is at war with.
Annually, the Director of National Intelligence testifies before the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and before the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence to discuss the current and potential threats to United States' security and priorities for the Department of Defense budget. The assessment usually covers terrorism threats, cyber attacks, counterintelligence, proliferation, mass atrocities, regional and country-by-country threats, and other state and non state intelligence threats such as health threats, water security and transnational crime.
President Barack Obama delivered these remarks at the Department of Justice on January 17, 2014. He discussed changes to the National Security Agencies' operations regarding intelligence collection of American citizens' records.
"Perhaps Ahmadullah no longer feels that his life is at risk. Unlike al-Qaeda, the Taliban have emerged from the past decade remarkably unscathed. Many of the group's leaders have vanished into tribal areas along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, and others live in urban areas—such as Quetta and Karachi—where U.S. drones could not reasonably operate. Still, if Ahmadullah who is no older than forty-seven, has any hope of playing a role in Afghanistan's future, he will have to emerge at some point from 'under the grave.'"
The President's Review Group on Intelligence and Communications Technologies released this report on December 18, 2013. The document details forty-six recommendations for protecting national security and foreign policy interests while continuing to value privacy, civil liberties, and the public's trust.
"[Keeping the phone metadata collection program] was the first in a series of decisions by Obama to institutionalize some of the most controversial national-security policies of the Bush Administration. Faced with a long list of policies to roll back…reining in the N.S.A.'s surveillance programs might have seemed like a low priority. As core members of Al Qaeda were killed, the danger shifted to terrorists who were less organized and more difficult to detect, making the use of the N.S.A.'s powerful surveillance tools even more seductive."
The authors argue that the United States has responded inadequately to the rise of Chinese power and recommend placing less strategic emphasis on the goal of integrating China into the international system and more on balancing China's rise.
Campbell evaluates the implications of the Boko Haram insurgency and recommends that the United States support Nigerian efforts to address the drivers of Boko Haram, such as poverty and corruption, and to foster stronger ties with Nigerian civil society.
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