Why does this page look this way?
It appears that you are using either an older, classic Web browser or a hand-held device that allows you to view our content but may not work with every feature of our site. If you are using an older browser, please upgrade for the best experience.
![]()
Home |
Site Index |
FAQs |
Contact |
RSS
|
Podcast
Navigation
home > by publication type > backgrounder > The Role of the UN General Assembly
| Author: |
|---|
May 31, 2007
Since its inception more than sixty years ago, the UN General Assembly has been a forum for lofty declarations, sometimes audacious rhetoric, and debate over the world’s most vexing issues, from poverty to peace and security. The Assembly’s current sixty-first session faces a particularly crowded agenda of controversial issues, and finds itself at the center of a debate over reforming the United Nations.
The UN General Assembly (UNGA) is the only universally representative body of the five principal organs of the United Nations. The other major bodies are the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Secretariat, and the International Court of Justice. As delineated in the Charter of the United Nations, the function of the General Assembly is to discuss, debate, and make recommendations on a range of subjects pertaining to international peace and security—including disarmament, human rights, international law, and peaceful arbitration between disputing nations. It considers reports from the other four organs of the United Nations, assesses the financial situations of member states, and approves the UN budget, its most concrete role. It elects the nonpermanent members of the Security Council and other bodies such as the new Human Rights Council, and appoints the secretary-general based on the Security Council’s recommendation. UNGA also works with the Security Council to elect the judges of the International Court of Justice.
The General Assembly is the only part of the United Nations that represents all 192 member states, each of which has one vote. In addition, the UN’s nonmember observer states, which include the Vatican and the Palestinian Authority, have the right to speak at Assembly meetings but cannot vote on resolutions. The Assembly’s president changes with each annual session; its current president is Sheikha Haya Rashed al-Khalifa, who had previously served as the legal adviser to the Royal Court in the Kingdom of Bahrain. As president she has the authority to set the topics of the Assembly’s agendas, which run the gamut from the Convention on the Law of the Sea to the elimination of racism. Recently, she convened the fifty-first session of the Commission on the Status of Women and declared its theme to be violence against women. She called for a comprehensive study and debate on the issues of gender inequality and female empowerment.
Yes, in the view of many UN experts and leading donor nations. In 2005, then Secretary-General Kofi Annan presented a report that criticized the Assembly for focusing excessively on consensus and passing resolutions that reflected “the lowest common denominator” of opinions. Michael W. Doyle, an international affairs expert who teaches at Columbia University, says the Assembly is “an important institution that has never quite sorted out its role” in terms of being a truly deliberative, functional body, and has “insufficient deliberation and not enough genuine discussion.” Doyle, who was an aide to former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, says that, unlike the U.S. Congress or the British Parliament, the Assembly lacks “genuine, critical self-examination on a variety of issues; it doesn’t bring to itself new and relevant information,” such as holding hearings with expert testimony. The Assembly has made an effort in the past few years to make its work more substantive and relevant. Resolution 59/313, adopted in 2005, proposed a more influential role for the Assembly’s president to help achieve this goal.
In April 2007, the General Assembly, for the first time in sixty years, mandated a significant overhaul of the UN system of internal justice, declaring it “slow, cumbersome, ineffective and lacking in professionalism.” President Khalifa suggested the new system—which, among other things, would formally establish a mediation division within the United Nations—could be functional by January 2009. But the Assembly has continued to resist deep-seated reforms, a reflection of the rift between its many members from the developing world, who want to retain a strong say in its deliberations, and wealthy nations that serve as its main donors.
In addition to the reform measures noted above, the General Assembly faces “a number of huge issues, any one of which in a different year would be seen as a dominant one,” says CFR Senior Fellow Lee Feinstein. Iran’s nuclear ambitions form a “looming crisis,” the humanitarian situation in Darfur continues to worsen, and the UN’s role in Iraq colors nearly every debate. The session began with the high theater that has become typical for General Assembly opening meetings. U.S. President George W. Bush and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad both spoke at the Assembly’s opening session in September 2006, with Bush urging Iran to halt its nuclear program and Ahmadinejad retorting that the program was meant for peaceful purposes and would continue to develop. A day later, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez famously called Bush “the devil,” and labeled the General Assembly “worthless” and “merely a deliberative organ” that has no real power.
The General Assembly has the power of censuring states for violating UN Charter principles. In the 1960s the Assembly refused to seat the South African delegations because the country was practicing apartheid, in violation of both Security Council resolutions and principles of international law. In 1992, the Assembly refused to give Serbia the former Yugoslavian seat in the Assembly. Belgrade later was given representation under the name of Yugoslavia.
Separately, Israel for many years was effectively barred from serving on UN commissions and panels because Arab states blocked it from meeting with the Mideast regional group at the United Nations. This changed in 2000 when Israel was permitted into another regional group.
Weigh in on this issue by emailing CFR.org.
![]()
In Termites in the Trading System, Jagdish Bhagwati reveals how the rapid spread of preferential trade agreements endangers the world trading system.
America Between the Wars explores how the decisions and debates of the years between the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Twin Towers shaped the events, arguments, and politics of the world we live in today.
In The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State, Noah Feldman tells the story behind the increasingly popular call for the establishment of the sharia—the law of the traditional Islamic state—in the modern Muslim world.
Complete list of CFR Books.
![]()
![]()
This report argues that the United States must lead with domestic action on climate change and proposes a U.S. negotiating strategy for a global UN climate agreement that includes commitments from all major economies, while also promoting a less formal Partnership for Climate Cooperation that would focus the world's largest emitters on implementing aggressive emissions reductions.
This Task Force report examines changes in Latin America and in U.S. influence there, while taking account of the region's enduring importance to the United States. The Task Force offers an agenda for U.S. policy toward Latin America and identifies four critical areas that should provide the basis of a new U.S. approach.
About Independent Task Forces at the Council.
![]()
![]()
After two decades of liberalization, many countries around the world are adopting new restrictions on foreign direct investment (FDI) that could retard continued progress. The authors make recommendations for correcting this protectionist drift by proposing guidelines for how countries can better regulate FDI yet still reap its economic benefits.
In this Council Special Report, the authors make a strong case that the Bush administration’s policy of diplomatic isolation of Syria is not serving U.S. interests, and offer informed history and thoughtful analysis of the country and its external behavior.
Complete list of Council Special Reports.
![]()
![]()
![]()
![]()
To order Task Force reports, Council Special Reports, and Critical Policy Choices, please call, fax, or order online from our distributor, the Brookings Institution Press: phone +1-800-537-5487, fax +1-410-516-6998.
For information on other reports that are not for sale, or for general publications information, please call +1-212-434-9516 or email publications@cfr.org.
![]()
![]()
To request permission to reuse Council materials, please email publications@cfr.org or fax +1-212-434-9859.
Please include the complete information of the requested work—author, title, sections/pages to be copied or reprinted, and number of copies to be made—along with a brief description of where and how you would like to reuse the work.
You may also request permission for Council material through Copyright Clearance Center. For more information, please click on the logo below.
![]()
By Region | By Issue | By Publication Type | The Think Tank | For The Media | For Educators | About CFR
Home | Site Index | FAQ | Contact | RSS | Podcast
Copyright 2008 by the Council on Foreign Relations. All Rights Reserved.

