Why does this page look this way?
It appears that you are using either an older, classic Web browser or a hand-held device that allows you to view our content but may not work with every feature of our site. If you are using an older browser, please upgrade for the best experience.
Navigation
home > by publication type > daily analysis > The Post-Bali Road
| Author: |
|---|
An activist poses near a globe representing global warming outside the venue of the Bali climate change conference. (AP/Dita Alangkara)
A followup to the Bali climate change conference, organized by the White House, brought together the top seventeen greenhouse-gas emitters in Hawaii on the last two days of January. As U.S.-hosted climate meetings go, this one yielded more positive reviews than the first, which some Europeans had regarded as a publicity stunt (BBC). “I came expecting nothing and was very pleasantly surprised,” said one European delegate in Hawaii, calling the discussion “very frank.”
The Hawaii meeting came on the heels of December’s UN Climate Change Conference in Bali, and, like the other Bush-planned meetings, took place outside the UN process to draft a successor to the Kyoto Protocol. That agreement, which the United States refused to ratify, expires in 2012.
Still, as expected, the Hawaii meeting resulted in no concrete targets or plans. And Russia and India refused to even admit in a public document that binding mandatory greenhouse gas emissions targets had been discussed, though they had. Before the meeting, administration officials noted that there was no formal set of proposals from individual countries for the meeting, though Europe and Japan have suggested long-term targets for emission cuts.
The positive views of some delelgates leaving the Hawaii meeting may assuage some of the skepticism for the Bush administration’s sudden, late-term interest in the issue. Skeptics ranging from EU nations to developing countries like Brazil and India fear the meetings could be aimed at usurping the UN process (CSMonitor). Writing in the Honolulu Star, a group of environmental activists take a more measured view: “We will never get those seven years back. But in the next few days, the United States could start to fix these problems and restore our relationship with the rest of the world.” Erwin Jackson of Australia’s Climate Institute adds that the U.S.-led process has the potential to strengthen the hand (The Age) of UN negotiators if major economies can come to an agreement on an emissions-reduction target.
December’s much anticipated UN conference in Bali aimed to jump-start talks on what would replace the Kyoto Protocol, but two weeks of meetings ended with little progress on emissions reductions. Senior U.S. officials raised hopes among many that the administration had finally come around on the issue, with one official claiming that Washington already was leading the charge for a post-Kyoto approach. But in Bali it became clear that the Bush administration and most of the world were still not on the same page. In one mood-defining Bali moment (NYT), a negotiator from Papua New Guinea generated applause for his rebuke of U.S. officials. While U.S. leadership was still desired, he said, “if for some reason you’re not willing to lead, leave it to the rest of us. Please get out of the way.”
Yet Bali did achieve some breakthroughs (TIME): developing nations for the first time consented that any final agreement had to include some action by the developing world, not merely the industrialized world. However, their responsibilities are still expected to be less specific and stringent than those of developed nations. In a related bit of progress, an agreement was reached to curb deforestation, explained in this Backgrounder. According to TIME, China and India came away as Bali’s biggest winners, working with the European Union and other developing nations to demand action of the United States. Meanwhile, Canadian and Japanese efforts to align themselves with Washington on the issue of specific emissions-reduction targets drew the ire of environmental advocates. This CFR.org Backgrounder looks at differing perspectives among G8 nations on emissions targets. Some environmental activists are hoping that the next president will change U.S. policy on the issue (candidate positions are outlined here).
Bali watchers remain mostly upbeat about the ending but with the negotiations so difficult—and yielding little agreement on specifics—future discussions face an uphill battle. Alan Oxley, head of the nongovernmental organization World Growth, called Bali’s outcome “a defeat for the European Union,” which was unable to get commitments (Bangkok Post) on reduction targets of 25 percent to 40 percent below 1990 levels. CFR Fellow Michael A. Levi says that among those countries opposing the specific target was a concern about “deciding on goals before looking at strategies.” White House spokesperson Dana Perino enforced the perception that the Bush administration is sticking to its own, preferably voluntary, approach. “Negotiations must [now] proceed on the view that the problem of climate change cannot be adequately addressed through commitments for emissions cuts by developed countries alone,” (Guardian) she said.
Weigh in on this issue by emailing CFR.org.
To order Task Force reports, Council Special Reports, and Critical Policy Choices, please call, fax, or order online from our distributor, the Brookings Institution Press: phone +1.800.537.5487, fax +1.410.516.6998.
For information on other reports that are not for sale, or for general publications information, please call +1.212.434.9516 or email publications@cfr.org.
Start-Up Nation addresses the trillion-dollar question: How is it that Israel—a country of 7.1 million, only sixty years old, surrounded by enemies— produces more start-up companies than large, peaceful, and stable nations like Japan, China, India, Korea, Canada, and the UK? With the insights of geopolitical experts and investors, the authors examine this nation’s adversity-driven culture to answer this question and offer prescriptions for a global economy on the rebound.
In Forces of Fortune, Vali Nasr presents a paradigm-changing revelation that will transform the understanding of the Muslim world at large. He reveals that there is a vital but unseen rising force in the Islamic world—a new business-minded middle class—that is building a vibrant new Muslim world economy and that holds the key to winning the cold war against Iran and extremists.
In Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know, Julia E. Sweig presents a remarkably accessible portrait of Cuba's unique place on the world stage over the past fifty years, including its internal politics, its often fraught relationship with the United States, and its shifting relationship with the global community.
Complete list of CFR Books
The report of this bipartisan Task Force of distinguished leaders and experts represents a strong consensus on the importance of repairing America's immigration policy. It makes the case that maintaining America's political and economic leadership depends on attracting talented and hard-working immigrants, and on securing the country's borders in a smart, effective, and humane way.
This report finds that nuclear weapons will remain a fundamental element of U.S. national security in the near term, and makes recommendations on how to ensure the safety, security, and reliability of the U.S. deterrent nuclear force, prevent nuclear terrorism, and strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation regime.
About Independent Task Forces at CFR
Complete list of Task Force reports
Identifying international threats and acting on them may be the most difficult job for U.S. policymakers. This report
provides an actionable road map for managing international threats before they erupt into crises and makes a strong case that preventive action is not a luxury but a necessity.
For more than a decade, the United States has mostly watched from the sidelines as Asian countries organize themselves into an alphabet soup of new multilateral groups. In this report, the authors review the relationship between pan-Asian and trans-Pacific institutions and suggest policy guidelines for a new U.S. approach to this new Asian landscape.
Complete list of Council Special Reports
To request permission to reprint or reuse CFR material, please fill out this permissions request form (PDF), referring to the instructions on page 1.
Browse Content By Region IssuePublication TypeThe Think TankFor The MediaFor Educators About CFR
Copyright 2009 by the Council on Foreign Relations. All Rights Reserved.
