Why does this page look this way?
It appears that you are using either an older, classic Web browser or a hand-held device that allows you to view our content but may not work with every feature of our site. If you are using an older browser, please upgrade for the best experience.
Navigation
home > by publication type > daily analysis > Climate Change Clouds and the G8 Summit
| Author: |
|---|
U.S. President George W. Bush and Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda at the G8 summit on July 7, 2008. (AP/Evan Vucci)
The headline issues of past G8 summits during George W. Bush's presidency have included the Iraq war, trade, and development aid (Reuters). But climate change may be the issue that has resonated most consistently, starting with the 2001 Genoa summit, where Bush underscored his rejection of the Kyoto treaty (BBC).
During Bush's final G8 summit, which opened in Japan on July 7, leaders agreed to seek UN sanctions for Zimbabwe (UK Independent) and called on countries to lift food export bans and to make biofuels compatible with food security. Yet it was climate change policy that dominated the meeting, and member states agreed to adopt a goal of reducing emissions 50 percent by 2050. This moves beyond last year's pledge by G8 countries only to "seriously consider" the goal rather than adopt it. CFR Senior Fellow Michael Levi called the agreement a "very important" step (WashPost) in addressing climate change. But Washington blocked proposals on interim emissions targets and benchmarks. Environmentalists expressed disappointment in the lack of interim targets (Reuters) and contended the long-term goal did little more than "restate last year's G8 commitment."
The G8 leaders presented their plan (FT) to eight major developing countries, including China and India, and will offer cash and technology incentives if these countries agree to the targets. The major emitters meeting—which coincided with the G8 summit and included many of the same members, as well as developing countries such as India and Brazil—released a parallel declaration this week. The declaration mostly reaffirmed what was already committed to under the original UN climate treaty. Developing nations refused to sign on to the G8's long-term goal and the major emitters could agree on no strong alternative (NYTimes). Several nations, including China, India, Mexico, and Brazil, had an alternate proposal for developed nations to cut emissions by 25 to 40 percent by 2020, and in exchange developing nations would agree to cuts of 80 percent to 95 percent by 2050.
The Bush administration consistently has stressed that international emissions commitments should include the world's major developing economies. Dan Price, a White House aide for international economics, recently said the United States would accept "binding international commitments if all major economies also are prepared" to make them (MarketWatch). The G8's climate declaration included a pledge to establish a global initiative for advanced energy technologies.
Apart from this meeting and the G8 process, many climate change activists are looking for an agreement from the 2009 UN negotiations on a successor to the Kyoto Protocol, which expires in 2012. A recent CFR Independent Task Force report argues that without "appropriately ambitious" commitments from rapidly emerging economies the United States should continue to refuse binding commitments under a UN deal.
But many climate advocates believe it is also vital for the United States to come to the UN negotiating table with a strong domestic policy. With rising gas prices and a flagging U.S. economy, however, Americans show limited interest in climate change. A recent Pew Center poll shows only 35 percent of U.S. voters polled think climate change policy should be a priority for the next president and Congress. It came as little surprise, then, that Senate Democrats were unable to muscle through a climate change bill in June.
Though many U.S. environmental advocates anticipate a policy shift from the next president, some say onlookers shouldn't expect too much movement. Jennifer Morgan, climate director for the sustainable development organization E3G, says the next president will have to work closely with Congress (mp3) in order to get climate change legislation passed. She points to the experience of President Clinton, who signed the Kyoto Protocol with binding commitments for the United States only to have an overwhelming majority of the Senate refuse ratification.
Weigh in on this issue by emailing CFR.org.
In The Closing of the American Border, Edward Alden goes behind the scenes to tell the story of the Bush administration’s struggle to balance security and openness in the wake of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.
In Termites in the Trading System, Jagdish Bhagwati reveals how the rapid spread of preferential trade agreements endangers the world trading system.
America Between the Wars explores how the decisions and debates of the years between the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Twin Towers shaped the events, arguments, and politics of the world we live in today.
Complete list of CFR Books.
This report lays out a thoughtful agenda for U.S. policy toward the Democratic Republic of Congo, arguing that what happens there should matter to the United States--for humanitarian reasons as well as economic and strategic ones.
In this report, CFR Senior Fellow Michael A. Levi analyzes the potential use of deterrence in preventing terrorist groups from acquiring nuclear weapons and recommends a new approach to U.S. declaratory policy, as well as ways to improve U.S. capabilities to determine the sources of terrorist attacks.
Complete list of Council Special Reports.
This report argues that the United States must lead with domestic action on climate change and proposes a U.S. negotiating strategy for a global UN climate agreement that includes commitments from all major economies, while also promoting a less formal Partnership for Climate Cooperation that would focus the world's largest emitters on implementing aggressive emissions reductions.
This Task Force report examines changes in Latin America and in U.S. influence there, while taking account of the region's enduring importance to the United States. The Task Force offers an agenda for U.S. policy toward Latin America and identifies four critical areas that should provide the basis of a new U.S. approach.
About Independent Task Forces at CFR.
Foreign Affairs has compiled a collection of articles that offer policy prescriptions to some of the world's most pressing problems.
To order Task Force reports, Council Special Reports, and Critical Policy Choices, please call, fax, or order online from our distributor, the Brookings Institution Press: phone +1.800.537.5487, fax +1.410.516.6998.
For information on other reports that are not for sale, or for general publications information, please call +1-212-434-9516 or email publications@cfr.org.
To request permission to reuse Council materials, please email publications@cfr.org or fax +1.212.434.9859.
Please include the complete information of the requested work—author, title, sections/pages to be copied or reprinted, and number of copies to be made—along with a brief description of where and how you would like to reuse the work.
You may also request permission for Council material through Copyright Clearance Center. For more information, please click on the link below.
Browse Content By Region IssuePublication TypeThe Think TankFor The MediaFor Educators About CFR
Copyright 2008 by the Council on Foreign Relations. All Rights Reserved.
