Why does this page look this way?
It appears that you are using either an older, classic Web browser or a hand-held device that allows you to view our content but may not work with every feature of our site. If you are using an older browser, please upgrade for the best experience.
Navigation
home > by region > asia > southeast asia > east timor > The Role of Women in Peacebuilding and Reconstruction: Lessons from Rwanda, East Timor, and Afghanistan
March 6, 2003
Council on Foreign Relations
[Note: A transcript of this meeting is unavailable. The discussion is summarized below.]
This discussion was on-the-record.
The following summary incorporates the perspectives and recommendations of Noeleen Heyzer, Executive Director at UNIFEM and Ambassador Donald Steinberg, Principal Deputy Director of Policy Planning for the Department of State.
The transcript of Ambassador Steinberg’s remarks is available at the following website: http://www.state.gov/s/p/rem/2003/18759.htm
1. What We Know:
United Nations Resolution 1325 and UNIFEM report:
UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which passed unanimously in October 2000, acknowledged that civilians, particularly women and children account for the vast majority of those adversely afflicted by armed conflict.
Resolution 1325 recommended mainstreaming a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations. To that end, the resolution set a new threshold of action for UN and all governments by calling for institutionalizing the participation of women at the peace table, and in the post-conflict processes of peace-building and reconstruction.
The 2002 UNIFEM report, “Women, War and Peace: The Independent Experts’ Assessment on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Women’s Role in Peacebuilding” was designed in response to Resolution 1325, as part of the effort to document and analyze the disproportionate impact of war on women and the potential of involving women in the peace process. The report gives their suffering a human face, but also acknowledges them as combatants in certain wars. It provides information on the changing nature of the battlefield, and the increasing use of rape as a weapon of war to humiliate both the female victims as well as the men in the community.
The report also argues and demonstrates that peace agreements and reconstruction work better when women are involved in the building process - bringing women to the peace table improves the quality of agreements reached and enhances the chances that they are implemented. A critical mass of women, and not merely token representation, however is needed for this to work, and the report recommends a minimum of 30 percent. Often in the midst of crisis, it is difficult to prioritize such principles - provision of food, shelter and healthcare are the urgent needs and the focus is taken off women. The report reminds that it is in the midst of such crisis, when humanitarian assistance is most readily available, and that these resources must be used to build the social structures that will empower women to play their full role in post-conflict reconstruction.
The report insists on accountability for war crimes committed against women – not just for the sake of justice, but to reestablish the rule of law. Reconciliation and amnesty has often implied that men forgive other men for atrocities committed against women. There is no one-size-fits-all approach to transitional justice. Ensuring accountability, however, is essential to convince men with guns that there is no impunity in acting against women.
Case Studies: Rwanda, Afghanistan and East Timor
Rwanda: The Rwanda example should be evaluated in the context of the impact of genocide on development. There was a pressing need to rebuild both human capital as well as the human psyche because of issues such as the return of the diaspora, which has very high illiteracy rates; children born as a result of rape during war; women deliberately infected with HIV/AIDS; households headed by children, etc. A tremendous opportunity existed within the new legal framework formulated after hostilities ended. A Gender Desk was established in the law ministry, which resulted in reformed inheritance and marriage laws. The Justice and Reconciliation Committee incorporated women after being criticized for not having any female judges and for humiliating female witnesses.
East Timor: A 30 percent quota was stipulated for women in the new parliament and 267 women candidates ran for election; these women as well as female voters were trained in preparation. Since cessation of hostilities, however, domestic violence has increased because of the vast numbers of unemployed men. This is being dealt with as a community issue by faith-based organizations.
Afghanistan: The American government was discouraged by some experts from focusing on women; it was feared that this would alienate some of the anti-Taliban forces whose support was required in the war against terrorism. But eventually women’s issues were placed at the top of the agenda and the United States pressed for full participation of women at Bonn, the reconstruction conferences in Washington and Tokyo, and the Loya Jirga in Afghanistan. Media also played an extremely effective role in highlighting the Taliban’s repression of women. (The UNIFEM report notes that overall levels of assistance to women in conflict, especially humanitarian aid, are related strongly to media interest in the country’s trauma.) Currently, work is underway to ensure the mainstreaming of gender in various ministries and projects, and ensuring that the new constitution guarantees equal rights for men and women. Finally, the economic and physical security of Afghan women is inextricably linked to peace and security in Afghanistan itself, as well as to its economic growth.
2. What We Don’t Know:
It is unclear if any role has been envisioned for women in post-war Iraq, both in the transitional government as well as in reconstruction efforts. The Afghan model could be applied in Iraq – though it will be much harder because the displacement will be greater and the international community is not united behind this action. The UN Secretary General has instructed a special working group to devise policies on this very issue.
3. What Are the Next Steps; What Should Be Done and by Whom:
The UNIFEM report lists 22 recommendations for action, but would prioritize the following:
Within the U.S. government, women’s issues are often treated as “soft” issues, and hence marginalized. There is a need to demonstrate that these are not soft issues, and that they have national security implications. To that end, work is underway to prioritize the mainstreaming of gender within U.S. policy, which would have implications on U.S. involvement in peace-building and reconstruction efforts as well. Currently, many American organizations have already aligned with a range of international organizations working on such issues, which is facilitating the creation of a constituency for gender mainstreaming and prioritization within U.S. policy.
Currently, the U.S. government’s focus in post-conflict situations is on:
CFR offers a variety of email newsletters about up-to-date CFR.org material on what’s happening around the world.
Enter your email address and click 'Go' to subscribe.
CFR Experts are based in CFR’s New York and Washington offices. Each expert's bio page contains his or her contact information, professional and educational history, links to publications and current research, a downloadable one-page biographical narrative, and a high-definition photo.
Identifying international threats and acting on them may be the most difficult job for U.S. policymakers. This report
provides an actionable road map for managing international threats before they erupt into crises and makes a strong case that preventive action is not a luxury but a necessity.
For more than a decade, the United States has mostly watched from the sidelines as Asian countries organize themselves into an alphabet soup of new multilateral groups. In this report, the authors review the relationship between pan-Asian and trans-Pacific institutions and suggest policy guidelines for a new U.S. approach to this new Asian landscape.
Complete list of Council Special Reports
Start-Up Nation addresses the trillion-dollar question: How is it that Israel—a country of 7.1 million, only sixty years old, surrounded by enemies— produces more start-up companies than large, peaceful, and stable nations like Japan, China, India, Korea, Canada, and the UK? With the insights of geopolitical experts and investors, the authors examine this nation’s adversity-driven culture to answer this question and offer prescriptions for a global economy on the rebound.
In Forces of Fortune, Vali Nasr presents a paradigm-changing revelation that will transform the understanding of the Muslim world at large. He reveals that there is a vital but unseen rising force in the Islamic world—a new business-minded middle class—that is building a vibrant new Muslim world economy and that holds the key to winning the cold war against Iran and extremists.
In Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know, Julia E. Sweig presents a remarkably accessible portrait of Cuba's unique place on the world stage over the past fifty years, including its internal politics, its often fraught relationship with the United States, and its shifting relationship with the global community.
Complete list of CFR Books
Browse Content By Region IssuePublication TypeThe Think TankFor The MediaFor Educators About CFR
Copyright 2009 by the Council on Foreign Relations. All Rights Reserved.
