Why does this page look this way?
It appears that you are using either an older, classic Web browser or a hand-held device that allows you to view our content but may not work with every feature of our site. If you are using an older browser, please upgrade for the best experience.
Navigation
home > by publication type > backgrounder > State Sponsors: Cuba
Updated: January 23, 2008
Cuba has been a fixture on the U.S. State Department’s list of terrorism-sponsoring states since 1982 despite Fidel Castro’s announcement in 1992 that supporting insurgents abroad was no longer an active Cuban policy. According to the State Department, Cuba remains on the list because it has “publicly opposed” the U.S.-led war on terror and maintains friendly relationships with other state sponsors of terrorism, like Iran. Cuba in the past has provided shelter to fugitives from U.S. justice without extradition and hosted members of terrorist organizations. Though Fidel Castro transferred power to his brother Raul in July 2006, little has changed in Havana’s relations with the United States.
The U.S. government says yes, but many experts are skeptical. The State Department placed Cuba on its list of states that sponsor terrorism in 1982, citing Fidel Castro’s training and arming of communist rebels in Africa and Latin America. But intelligence experts have been hard pressed to find evidence that Cuba currently provides weapons or military training to terrorist groups. In 1998, a comprehensive review by the U.S. intelligence community concluded that Cuba does not pose a threat to U.S. national security, which implies that Cuba no longer sponsors terrorism. Critics argue that Cuba’s place on the state sponsors list is a remnant of the Cold War and that it distracts from current counterterrorism initiatives.
U.S. government sources offer these reasons:
In May 2002, Undersecretary of State John Bolton accused Cuba of having a limited biological weapons program and selling dual-use biotechnology to rogue states. Bolton did not name the states in question but noted that Castro visited Iran and Libya in 2001. Former Secretary of State Colin Powell later clarified Bolton’s statement by saying he did not believe Cuba had bioweapons, merely the capability to conduct biological research for offensive purposes.
Yes, but we don’t know how closely they cooperate. In 2001, Castro visited Iran, Libya, and Syria, but other than a commitment to ongoing trade and plans for some public health exchanges, which were announced during Castro’s visits, we know very little about these countries’ dealings with Cuban intelligence. Cuba also has diplomatic ties with North Korea. During his visit to Iran, Castro reportedly said, “Iran and Cuba, in cooperation with each other, can bring America to its knees.”
Ties between Cuba and Iran have continued since then. In 2003, Ricardo Cabrisas Ruiz, a career officer in Cuba's foreign intelligence service, met Iranian President Mohammad Khatami to discuss expanding cooperation between the two countries, with a focus on economic ties. U.S. counterintelligence reports say that in July 2003, Cuban intelligence jammed transmission of some Iranian television broadcasts during Tehran’s crackdown on dissidents commemorating a 1999 student uprising.
Within hours of the attacks, Cuba offered medical assistance to the victims and opened Cuban airports to U.S. commercial planes diverted because of the crisis. That night, Castro condemned terrorism on national television. In subsequent weeks, the Cuban government signed all twelve U.N.-sanctioned international antiterrorism treaties.
At the same time, Cuban officials also used the opportunity to repeatedly complain about Cuba's own experience as a victim of what it calls “U.S.-sponsored terrorism,” including attacks by U.S.-backed anti-Castro groups. The complaints went over poorly in Washington, where they were viewed as evidence of Cuba's waffling commitment to fighting terrorism.
Yes. Notwithstanding Cuba’s presence on the terrorist list, experts say that U.S. and Cuban officials have held low-level talks aimed at getting Cuban help in collecting intelligence and identifying fugitives from Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda terrorist network. But these discussions have reportedly yielded few results, and counterterrorism experts say communist Cuba knows little about the Islamist groups behind the September 11 attacks.
Cuba has not, to date, implemented “counterterrorism efforts in the international or regional fora,” according to the State Department, although Raul Castro pledged to return any detainees who escaped from the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base in 2002.
Weigh in on this issue by emailing CFR.org.
Explore international efforts to curb nuclear proliferation with a new interactive from CFR's program on International Institutions and Global Governance.
To order Task Force reports, Council Special Reports, and Critical Policy Choices, please call, fax, or order online from our distributor, the Brookings Institution Press: phone +1.800.537.5487, fax +1.410.516.6998.
For information on other reports that are not for sale, or for general publications information, please call +1.212.434.9516 or email publications@cfr.org.
In War of Necessity, War of Choice, Richard N. Haass contrasts the decisions that shaped the conduct of two wars between the United States and Iraq involving the two presidents Bush and Saddam Hussein, and writes an authoritative, personal account of how U.S. foreign policy is made, what it should seek, and how it should be pursued.
In Cuba: What Everyone Needs to Know, Julia E. Sweig presents a remarkably accessible portrait of Cuba’s unique place on the world stage over the past fifty years, including its internal politics, its often fraught relationship with the United States, and its shifting relationship with the global community.
As Ray Takeyh shows in Guardians of the Revolution, behind the famous personalities and extremist slogans of Iran is a nation that is far more pragmatic—and complex—than many in the West have been led to believe.
Complete list of CFR Books
This report finds that nuclear weapons will remain a fundamental element of U.S. national security in the near term, and makes recommendations on how to ensure the safety, security, and reliability of the U.S. deterrent nuclear force, prevent nuclear terrorism, and strengthen the nuclear nonproliferation regime.
About Independent Task Forces at CFR
Complete list of Task Force reports
The Canadian oil sands present an important challenge to policymakers: they promise energy security benefits but present climate change problems. Michael A. Levi assesses the energy security and climate change effects of the oil sands and makes recommendations for U.S. policymakers within the context of broader bilateral relations with Canada.
This report explores an important element of the maritime policy regime: the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Author Scott G. Borgerson examines the international negotiations that led to the convention, the history of debates in the United States over whether to join it, and the strategic importance of the oceans for U.S. foreign policy today.
Complete list of Council Special Reports
To request permission to reprint or reuse CFR material, please fill out this permissions request form (PDF), referring to the instructions on page 1.
Browse Content By Region IssuePublication TypeThe Think TankFor The MediaFor Educators About CFR
Copyright 2009 by the Council on Foreign Relations. All Rights Reserved.
