Henry Kissinger's new book argues that the United States should yield gracefully to China's rise; Aaron Friedberg's gives the opposite advice.

Should the United States maintain its commitment to Taiwan, or should it consider disengaging in order to accommodate China?

Pakistan is unlikely to collapse anytime soon, but the imbalance of power between its civilian and military branches needs to be addressed if it is to become an effective modern state.

Richard A. Falkenrath says that with Osama bin Laden gone, life is about to become more complicated for U.S. policymakers trying to combat terrorism.

China, which invests heavily in Iran's energy sector, is the linchpin of the sanctions regime against Iran.

India is planning to buy $100 billion worth of new weapons over the next ten years.

Over the past two years, China's foreign policy has become more belligerent. But Washington should not wish for a weaker Beijing.

With China's clout growing, the international community needs to better understand China's strategic thinking.

Realist international relations theorists usually would predict that the basic pressures of the international system will force the United States and China into conflict.

Al Qaeda is stronger today than when it carried out the 9/11 attacks.

Many comparisons of India and Pakistan attribute India's democracy to Hinduism and Pakistan's autocracy to Islam.

Washington and its allies could still win in Afghanistan if they are given the time they need.

Although it has problems, a de facto partition of Afghanistan, in which Washington pursues nation building in the north and counterterrorism in the south, offers an acceptable fallback.

As China's economic might expands, Beijing not only wants a greater stake in international organizations but also to remake the rules of the game.

Americans have growing doubts about the U.S. mission in Afghanistan that U.S. President Barack Obama seems to share. But the United States should and will maintain a major presence in Afghanistan for years to come.

The Chinese and Indian economies often elicit breathless admiration from commentators. In fact, domestic deficiencies and regional tensions mean that the rise of China and India is hardly assured.

The most realistic and acceptable alternative models of governance in Afghanistan are decentralized democracy and a system of internal mixed sovereignty.

Is it too late to convince North Korea and Iran to dismantle their nuclear programs?

Although the wary are fretting about China's unprecedented financial might, Beijing's policies -- hoarding foreign currency reserves and sending money abroad -- have so far been better for other countries than for China itself.

Can Louis XIV's consolidation of power in seventeenth-century France guide the way for state builders in Afghanistan today?