A heightened bilateral relationship may not be possible for China and the United States, as the two countries have mismatched interests and values.

Driven by a near obsession with economic growth, Beijing has extended the state's reach into the economy.

Japan should not apologize for its past aggression by emulating the contrition that Germany has displayed since the mid-1960s because it would risk a nationalist backlash.

Already the world's preeminent energy and trade interstate seaway, the Indian Ocean will matter even more as India and China enter into a dynamic great-power rivalry in these waters.

Financial sanctions have become a key tool of U.S. foreign policy. Measures taken against Iran and North Korea make clear that this new financial statecraft can be effective, but true success will require persuading global banks to accept a shared sense of risk.

While much of Cambodia -- and of the world -- holds on to memories of the country's sorrowful past under the Khmer Rouge, few seem to notice that the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen is destroying the nation.

The crisis in Afghanistan and Pakistan is beyond the point where more troops will help. U.S. strategy must be to seek compromise with insurgents while addressing regional rivalries and insecurities.

The prosperity of the United States and China depends on helping China further integrate into the global economic system.

The Bush legacy in Asia is positive and the next admistration can continue this trend by continuing multilateral engagement with Japan and China.

Beijing is shirking its responsibilities to the global economy. To encourage better behavior, Washington should offer to share global economic leadership.

Failure to plan for predictable problems has turned China's coming-out party into an embarrassment.

Why North Korea will not change.

How new deals in the developing world will change the global economy.

How the WTO boosts economies and opens societies.

This Foreign Affairs article argues against U.S. policymakers pushing China to revalue its currency.

Pundits, academics, and Bush bashers insist that the United States is losing ground in Asia, but they are wrong. The Bush administration's Asia policy has been an unheralded success. Improved relations with China, stronger U.S.-Japanese cooperation, North Korea's gradual nuclear disarmament, and expanding regional alliances have made Asia more prosperous and secure than it has been in decades.

After 60 years of U.S. domination, the balance of power in Northeast Asia is shifting. The United States is in relative decline, China is on the rise, and Japan and South Korea are in flux. To maintain U.S. power in the region, Washington must identify the trends shaping this transition and embrace new tools and regimes that broaden the United States' power base.

The nuclear deal between Washington and New Delhi may have run into trouble, but the future of bilateral relations between the two countries should still be bright. In this article, Under Secretary of State Nicholas Burns explains the logic of the Bush administration's passage to India.

Over the past decade, Burma has gone from being an antidemocratic embarrassment and humanitarian disaster to being a serious threat to its neighbors' security. The international community must change its approach to the country's junta.

The outcome of the North Korean nuclear saga has been held up as an example of the Bush administration defying its bellicose reputation and using multilateralism and diplomacy to defuse a crisis. But in fact, the story is one of extremely poor policymaking and a persistent failure to devise a coherent strategy -- with the result that North Korea has managed to dramatically expand its nuclear capability.