Indian and Chinese soft power is manifested in a variety of mediums, including traditional and pop culture, academic exchanges, and cuisine. Since soft power emanates from a country's history, culture, domestic political arrangements and civil society, it is difficult to measure its impact in a quantitative way as can be done with some forms of economic or military power, including aid and investment, infrastructure projects, and militarization. Thus, the effects of soft power are largely in the eye of the beholder.
"There is a debate in India—inside and outside government—about China, which scenario might prevail, the future of the relationship and what approach to take with China. [Almost] equal numbers of those surveyed believe that India 'should join with other countries to limit China's influence' and 'should cooperate with China to play a leading role in the world together.'"
"The share of the working-age population (ages 15-64) will decline in China between 2010 and 2030 nearly as fast as it will in Japan, the U.S. and other wealthy nations. Switching to a two-child policy could even make things worse over the next 20 year, because more births would mean that working parents would have more dependents to care for, the economists note."
"Poor relations with China might push Southeast Asian nations into joining the US-dominated Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal that does not include Beijing, and also make them less enthusiastic towards the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership that Beijing is supporting."
"[R]ecently a new political openness within China itself has allowed a different picture of the war years to emerge. Chiang and Mao are long dead, and the Chinese government has been trying to claim a greater international role by reminding the world of the benefits of its past cooperation with the West."
Relations between China and Pakistan are indeed growing, but must be considered in a wider context to understand their potential implications for the United States and India.
Close Sino-Pakistani relations are nothing new. Especially with respect to military and nuclear ties, Beijing and Islamabad have have been friendly since the 1960s. In recent years, bilateral trade and investment have increased. Looking to the future, China's expanding influence in Central Asia and its interest in overland access to the Arabian Sea could motivate even stronger links with Pakistan.
In the Energy Report, Rosemary Kelanic analyzes a specific conflict scenario—an air war between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan (also known as the Republic of China or ROC)—to enhance broader knowledge about fuel requirements in wartime.
"For the last fiftyyears, Washington has assumed the scientific dominance of the US. This assumption is now in question as scientific capabilities become more widely distributed," especially to China, writes Adam Segal.
"Southeast Asia needs America. Call it an insurance policy or balancing or hedging, or what you will, ASEAN does not want to be left alone with China. And no combination of other outside players is as reassuring as the United States' presence."
"China's approval process for inbound foreign direct investment drives many of the headline economic issues currently being discussed between China and its trading partners, as well as internally within China."
"These days the revolutionary party of the proletariat is probably best described as the world's largest chamber of commerce and membership is the best way for businesspeople to network and clinch lucrative contracts."
Department of the Treasury Assistant Secretary Marisa Lago delivered these remarks at the Seminar on the U.S. Regulatory and Institutional Environment for Chinese Foreign Direct Investment on September 25, 2013.
The East and South China Seas are the scene of escalating territorial disputes between China and its neighbors, including Japan, Vietnam, and the Philippines. The tensions, shaped by China's growing assertiveness, have fueled concerns over armed conflict and raised questions about Washington's security commitments in its strategic rebalance toward the Asia-Pacific region.
In a section of this week's "Saturday Essay" in the Wall Street Journal, Elizabeth Economy says that China has been critical of the United States' Syria policy, hoping to highlight U.S. weakness and signal the onset of a power transition in the international system. However, she argues, China's observations about U.S. indecisiveness and Russian leadership only serve to emphasize China's inability to find its own diplomatic legs.
Asked by Josh Wartel, from Lake Braddock Secondary School
There is almost never a time when people do not worry about war between major powers. The history here is not a happy one. But there are good reasons to expect a better outcome in the 21st century—as long as both sides are alert and careful.
"Criminal justice has been the weakest link of China's legal system, which, despite constitutional and legislative protections of the right to defence, has in practice rarely allowed defendants adequate opportunity to question prosecution witnesses and rebut their claims," writes Jerome A. Cohen, with respect to Bo Xilai's trial.
The Council on Foreign Relations' David Rockefeller Studies Program—CFR's "think tank"—is home to more than seventy full-time, adjunct, and visiting scholars and practitioners (called "fellows"). Their expertise covers the world's major regions as well as the critical issues shaping today's global agenda. Download the printable CFR Experts Guide.
The authors argue that it is essential to begin working now to expand and establish rules and norms governing armed drones, thereby creating standards of behavior that other countries will be more likely to follow.
The author examines Pakistan's complex role in U.S. foreign policy and advocates for a two-pronged approach that works to quarantine threats while integrating Pakistan into the broader U.S. agenda in Asia.