Vice President Joe Biden met with Chinese President Xi Jinping on December 4, 2013, during the vice president's trip to Asia. The vice president also spoke to the American Chamber of Commerce in Beijing and the U.S.-China Business Council on December 5, 2013.
"China is eager to re-establish dominance over the region. Bitterness at the memory of the barbaric Japanese occupation in the second world war sharpens this desire. It is this possibility of a clash between a rising and an established power that lies behind the oft-used parallel between contemporary East Asia and early 20th-century Europe, in which the Senkakus play the role of Sarajevo."
Authors: Frank G. Klotz and Oliver Bloom Strategic Studies Quarterly
Frank Klotz and Oliver Bloom examine the prospect of formal discussions with China on strategic stability and nuclear arms control, and address recent debates on China's nuclear capabilities and doctrine.
"Unlike his predecessors, Xi is making foreign policy with the mindset of a great power, increasingly probing U.S. commitments to its allies in the region and exploiting opportunities to change the status quo."
Secretary of State John Kerry and Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel responded to China's announcement of its Air Defense Identification Zone, which includes territories administered by Japan and South Korea. On December 5, 2013, The U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee sent the Chinese Ambassador Cui Tiankai a letter urging the Chinese government not to implement an Air Defense Zone in the East China Sea. The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission released a report on January 14 , 2014 to analyze China's purpose in announcing its ADIZ.
China's Government and its Ministry of National Defense announced on November 23, 2013 the establishment of and rules for its East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone, which includes territories administered by Japan and South Korea. The defense minister responded to U.S. officials' concerns.
In this op-ed for the South China Morning Post, with Margaret K. Lewis, Jerome Cohen says that without recourse to constitutional backing, the move to truly abolish re-education through labor in China faces the same hurdles as in past reform efforts.
Authors: Steven Tepp, Kal Raustiala, and Christopher Sprigman
In their essay "Fake It Till You Make It" (July/August 2013), Kal Raustiala and Christopher Sprigman urged the United States to "relax" when it comes to the flagrant disregard for intellectual property laws in China.
"Today, the story is at once more accessible and more dangerous. To cover China is to chronicle the world's second-largest economy, a rising superpower, and one-fifth of the world's population. China is so central to our economic lives that journalists have had no choice but to engage China with greater technical analysis and precision."
"Analysts pointed out that the renewed fear of a Soviet-style nightmare in China might reflect the leadership's anxiety over slowing economic growth, rising social tensions and growing calls for political reform following the leadership transition last November."
Environmental activists have long been at the forefront of civil society development in China, despite the resistance of the Chinese leadership. But given the high importance of pollution to the Chinese people, it is time for Beijing to rethink its top-down approach to environmental governance, says Elizabeth Economy.
"Xi has indicated very clearly from the time that he became General Secretary of the Party that he was obsessed, as maybe other Chinese leaders are also, with the Gorbachev syndrome. Xi Jinping realizes, like Li Keqiang, that there is a need for deep economic reforms—really very important and very difficult economic reforms. But what I think they worry about is that they don't know which reforms could be the ones which unleash a Gorbachev-type situation, where one thing follows another and before you know it the whole country and the whole party system has collapsed."
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Campbell evaluates the implications of the Boko Haram insurgency and recommends that the United States support Nigerian efforts to address the drivers of Boko Haram, such as poverty and corruption, and to foster stronger ties with Nigerian civil society.
Koblentz argues that the United States should work with other nuclear-armed states to manage threats to nuclear stability in the near term and establish processes for multilateral arms control efforts over the longer term.
The authors argue that it is essential to begin working now to expand and establish rules and norms governing armed drones, thereby creating standards of behavior that other countries will be more likely to follow.
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