The Obama administration's "pivot" to Asia made sense, because China was starting to doubt U.S. staying power. Now that Washington has sent Beijing a clear message it will be around for the long haul, however, the time has come for the two countries to deepen and institutionalize their relationship in order to secure Asia's lasting peace and prosperity.

In the next decade, China will continue to rise, not fade. Its leaders will consolidate the one-party model and, in the process, challenge the West's smug certainty about political development and the inevitable march toward electoral democracy.

Li is far too confident in the benefits of Chinese authoritarianism. So far, what has held China back is not any lack of demand for democracy, but a lack of supply.

Ever since the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping opened up his country's economy in the late 1970s, China has managed to grow in power, wealth, and military might while still maintaining cooperative and friendly relations with most of the world.

The United States worries about China's rise, but Washington rarely considers how the world looks through Beijing's eyes.

For decades, U.S. China policy has been driven by a combination of engagement and balancing.

In March 2011, the U.S. computer security company RSA announced that hackers had gained access to security tokens it produces that let millions of government and private-sector employees, including those of defense contractors such as Lockheed Martin, connect remotely to their office computers.

On January 19, 2011, U.S. President Barack Obama and Chinese President Hu Jintao issued a joint statement at the end of Hu's visit to Washington.

China seems to want the yuan to dethrone the dollar as the global reserve currency. But don't expect China's currency to take over anytime soon.

China's rise is overstated, and its financial problems are massive, argues Derek Scissors. Arvind Subramanian disagrees, claiming that Beijing already calls theshots in the global economy.

Evan A. Feigenbaum argues that China will not simply bail out Pakistan with loans, investment, and aid, as those watching the deterioration of U.S.-Pakistani relations seem to expect. Rather, China will pursue profits, security, and geopolitical advantage regardless of Islamabad's preferences.

In their single-minded pursuit of economic growth, China's leaders have long overlooked public health—which, by some measures, is now worse than under Mao.

Before complaining about China's refusal to buy into the liberal world order, argues Amitai Etzioni, the West should stop moving the goalposts by developing new norms of intervention, such as "the responsibility to protect."

Is China poised to take over from the United States as the world's leading economy?

Sure, China's economic growth has been unprecedented, even miraculous. But the country is unlikely to keep up its breakneck pace.

Henry Kissinger's new book argues that the United States should yield gracefully to China's rise; Aaron Friedberg's gives the opposite advice.

Should the United States maintain its commitment to Taiwan, or should it consider disengaging in order to accommodate China?

China, which invests heavily in Iran's energy sector, is the linchpin of the sanctions regime against Iran.

Over the past two years, China's foreign policy has become more belligerent. But Washington should not wish for a weaker Beijing.

With China's clout growing, the international community needs to better understand China's strategic thinking.