"In a noticeable and important shift in global migratory patterns, millions of migrant workers are no longer relying on the U.S. as heavily as they did for better-paying jobs that allowed them to send money home to families in Latin America, the Caribbean and Asia. Instead, they have moved more to developing economies, creating a shift in money transfers out of countries like Chile, Brazil and Malaysia."
Ties between Brazil and the United States will continue after Brazilian president Dilma cancelled her trip to Washington, but a prime opportunity to forge a new relationship has been lost, writes Julia Sweig.
Julia Sweig argues that, while skepticism of military intervention is reasonable in normal times, the use of chemical weapons in Syria has changed the goalposts and demands action from the world. In spite of its painful memories of U.S. intervention in its own recent history, Latin America should invoke the doctrine of Responsibility while Protecting, and partner with Western leaders as a source of humanitarian aid and refugee assistance.
"Though the overall number of arrests along the southern U.S. border has fallen near its lowest point in 40 years, there has been a surge of unlawful newcomers from Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador since 2011."
The issue of gun control is far from limited to the domestic politics of the United States: transnational gun trafficking makes armed violence a continental problem. The United States and Brazil, home to the largest arms industries in the Hemisphere, should partner to safeguard weapons stocks and staunch the flow of illegal weapons to illicit groups writes Julia Sweig.
Julia Sweig argues that the Obama administration should tighten regulations of firearm sales—both at the domestic and at the import-and-export level—in order to reduce rates of gun violence in Latin America.
Recent revelations about U.S. surveillance activities in Latin America have provoked a range of negative responses from regional leaders, but the practical consequences will be marginal, says expert Christopher Sabatini.
Hugo Chávez ruled Venezuela from 1999 until his death in 2013. It is tempting to assume that ties between the United States and Latin America broke during the Chávez era, and that they must now be repaired. The reality, however, is more complex: despite the heated rhetoric coming from Washington and Caracas during Chávez's presidency, bilateral trade quadrupled from $16 billion in 1998 to $64 billion in 2008.
Cuba has entered a new era of economic reform that defies easy comparison to post-Communist transitions elsewhere. Washington should take the initiative and establish a new diplomatic and economic modus vivendi with Havana.
After visiting both countries, Max Boot explores how, over the last decade, Colombia has managed to turn the tide against the drug trafficking, violence, and government corruption that still plague Honduras.
Isobel Coleman hosts Shannon O'Neil for a discussion about the political and economic transition of Mexico and Brazil as part of a Civil Society, Markets, and Democracy Initiative series on Realizing Democracy: Lessons from Transitioning Countries.
On the heels of the Pacific Alliance's May 2013 summit meeting in California, Julia Sweig reflects on the significance of this new regional trade bloc and on the implications of Brazil's foreign trade and investment agenda.
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Campbell evaluates the implications of the Boko Haram insurgency and recommends that the United States support Nigerian efforts to address the drivers of Boko Haram, such as poverty and corruption, and to foster stronger ties with Nigerian civil society.
Koblentz argues that the United States should work with other nuclear-armed states to manage threats to nuclear stability in the near term and establish processes for multilateral arms control efforts over the longer term.
The authors argue that it is essential to begin working now to expand and establish rules and norms governing armed drones, thereby creating standards of behavior that other countries will be more likely to follow.
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