Cuban President Raul Castro Ruz spoke at the Third Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (Spanish: Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños, or CELAC) Summit on January 28, 2015. He discussed how CELAC countries have supported each other through economic, security, and political agreements. President Castro also laid out the conditions he wants as Cuba and the United States reestablish diplomatic relations.
On January 15, 2015,the Treasury and Commerce Departments released amendments to financial sanctions on Cuba, after President Obama announced diplomatic and economic changes in U.S. policy toward Cuba.
Follow President Barack Obama and President Raul Castro's near simultaneous announcements to recast U.S.-Cuba relations, Julia Sweig reflects in her column on potential changes that may occur in the next five to ten years.
President Barack Obama announced changes to the U.S. policy toward Cuba on December 17, 2014. Changes include reestablishing diplomatic relations for the first time since 1961, reviewing Cuba's designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism according to the U.S. State Department, and increasing travel, trade, and commerce between the countries. In a speech to the Community of Latin America and Caribbean States Summit in January 2015, Cuban President Raul Castro describes conditions he wants as the two countries reestablish relations. At the Summit of the Americas in April 2015, which Cuba attended for the first time, President Obama and President Castro began discussions on these policy changes.
Elliott Abrams argues in The Weekly Standard that President Obama’s actions on Cuba today constitute the triumph of ideology over American national interest. Moreover, he writes, reversing a policy of a half-century’s standing in exchange for nothing—no human rights changes in Cuba at all—cannot be reassuring to countries that depend on American policy reliability.
Following last weeks near simultaneous release of torture reports in Brazil and the United States, Julia Sweig reflects in her column on the similarities and differences between the two documents, including the shared matter of impunity.
More than 40 years after the 1973 military coup that cost Chilean President Salvador Allende his life and brought General Augusto Pinochet to power, the historical record on the U.S. role in Chile continues to stir debate.
Julia Sweig reflects in her column this week on the challenges in U.S.-Latin American relations, and the failure of Washington to create basic guideposts based on a realistic assessment of the political, economic, security and demographic dimensions of our interdependence, our fault-lines and the opportunities therein.
The death of Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier of Haiti is the subject of a reminiscence Elliott Abrams wrote for the November issue of Commentary. The Reagan administration played a key role in removing "Baby Doc," and Abrams tells the story.
Following elections in both Brazil and the United States, Julia Sweig reflects in her column on potential ways to kickstart bilateral collaboration between the two countries over the next couple of years.
Valerie Wirtschafter reflects on the road ahead for Brazil, following a contested campaign where change was an empty buzzword used by both candidates. With Dilma Rousseff back in office for a second term, one thing is certain: she will now have to make a visible effort to deliver on her promises for reform.
Matthew C. Waxman, CFR's adjunct senior fellow for law and foreign policy, discusses the costs and benefits of keeping Guantanamo Bay open and policy options available to the Obama administration, as part of CFR's Academic Conference Call series.
The authors argue that the United States has responded inadequately to the rise of Chinese power and recommend placing less strategic emphasis on the goal of integrating China into the international system and more on balancing China's rise.
Campbell evaluates the implications of the Boko Haram insurgency and recommends that the United States support Nigerian efforts to address the drivers of Boko Haram, such as poverty and corruption, and to foster stronger ties with Nigerian civil society.
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