The government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is carrying out the worst crackdown on political dissidents since 2000, when Assad came to power. Some experts see the move as a sign of the regime's confidence as international pressure over the assassination of Rafik Hariri fades.

Protests this week highlight Syria's continuing influence in Beirut, more than a year after the "Cedar Revolution." But experts say Lebanon's outdated political system is just as much to blame for lingering instability.

Last year, the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad looked ready to topple after it was linked to the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. But as international attention shifts to crises in Iran and Iraq, Assad seems to have dodged a bullet.

Syria has agreed to cooperate with the UN investigation into the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri one year ago. Questions over Syria's sincerity remain, as international pressure on Damascus wanes and Lebanon struggles with internal tensions not seen since its civil war.

A year after the assassination of Rafik Hariri, international pressure on Syria seems to be losing some steam. The opposition to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad is diffuse and disorganized, and many Syrians appear to value stability over the threats posed by regime change.

Ed Husain writes that the ongoing Arab revolutions were inspired by "other, more direct developments," not the war in Iraq.

Leslie H. Gelb writes that the aim now in Syria can't be just to help the rebels and get rid of Assad; it must be to prevent al Qaeda's extremist cohorts from grabbing power.

Leslie H. Gelb discusses the elections in Egypt and why the United States can't predict, let alone control, events in the Mideast.

Leslie H. Gelb says military confrontations loom for President Obama in Iran, Syria, and North Korea, and he can't head them off with the usual duet of threats and talks.

Elliott Abrams says the politicizing of intelligence on Syria is part of the Obama administration's continuing defense of its failure to help the Syrian opposition and is a misuse of the intelligence community.

Leslie H. Gelb says foreign policy experts should be made to answer questions about the consequences and risks of their recommendations to engage the United States in wars with Syria and Iran.

Ed Husain argues that it is impossible to tell whether Bashar al-Assad's time is running out, but containing--not fanning--the current conflict in Syria is in everybody's interests.

Micah Zenko offers seven lessons the world's remaining autocrats can learn from Muammar al-Qaddafi's mistakes.

Mohamad Bazzi discusses Bashar al-Assad and the Baathist regime in Syria.

Elliott Abrams argues that if indeed Syria is supplying Hezbollah with SCUD missiles, Israel's right to self defense as well as the relevant UN resolutions allow military action against this threat--and the United States should make this clear.

Elliott Abrams criticizes U.S. policy toward Syria, saying "engagement " and "appeasement" look very similar.

Mohamad Bazzi argues, "Washington's diplomatic engagement with Damascus should not come at the expense of democracy and human rights activists."

Today, even though Israel and Turkey have common interests and even if they fully mend their ties, it is likely too politically sensitive—particularly in Ankara—for them to cooperate openly on Syria and Iran.

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