Best Decision

5

Lend-Lease Act

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Introduction

In December 1940, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill wrote to President Franklin D. Roosevelt with chilling news: Britain was on the verge of bankruptcy. The war with Germany, which had begun in earnest in the spring of 1940, had drained the British treasury. London would soon be unable to pay for the supplies and weapons it was buying from the United States. That might doom Britain’s effort to hold off the Nazi onslaught. Churchill’s news put FDR in a bind. A month earlier, he had won an unprecedented third term as president after promising Americans worried about the conflict in Europe that their “boys are not going to be sent into any foreign wars.” But FDR also believed that a German victory would be disastrous for the United States. Knowing he had to act, he used the next three months to build congressional and public support for a plan to lend supplies to Britain and other countries fighting the Axis powers. The resulting Lend-Lease Act, which Churchill called “the most unsordid act,” provided more than $50 billion in aid to fifty nations and helped win World War II. SHAFR historians ranked the Lend-Lease Act as the fifth-best U.S. foreign policy decision.

Neutrality and War in the 1930s

By the early 1930s, many Americans viewed U.S. involvement in World War I as a mistake. The United States had entered what was then known as the Great War after fighting had been underway for nearly three years, and only after Germany declared unrestricted submarine warfare on U.S. merchant ships. With the Great Depression wracking the country, however, the claim that President Woodrow Wilson had maneuvered the country into war so that business leaders could profit from the fighting gained popularity. One book that made this argument, Merchants of Death, even made best-seller lists and was chosen as a Book-of-the-Month Club selection.

With war clouds gathering on the horizon in Europe and Asia, Congress responded to anti-interventionist sentiment by passing the Neutrality Act of 1935, which banned the sale of arms and other materiel to countries at war. The law also declared that American citizens working in or traveling to countries at war did so at their own risk. The law’s backers argued that if the United States remained scrupulously neutral, it would not be dragged into another war. Congress amended the Neutrality Act in 1936 and 1937 to expand the list of activities violating U.S. neutrality.

A cartoon urging the United States ignore growing tensions in Europe to focus on problems at home, by Nathan Leo “Nate” Collier, March 18, 1939. CREDIT

A political cartoon suggesting that Americans wanted the United States to ignore growing tensions in Europe to focus on problems at home, by Nathan Leo "Nate" Collier, March 18, 1939. Courtesy of the Coppola Collection.

Second Thoughts on Neutrality

The congressional and public insistence on rigid neutrality began to weaken after Germany seized Czechoslovakia in March 1939. Roosevelt pushed Congress to expand a provision adopted in 1937 that gave him discretion to permit countries at war to buy supplies (but not weapons) from the United States, provided they paid cash and shipped their purchases on non-American vessels. Roosevelt had pushed for this so-called cash-and-carry provision because he calculated that only Britain and France would be able to take advantage of it should Europe go to war. They, not Germany, were likely to control the high seas.

War came to Europe in September 1939 when Germany invaded Poland. Two months later and after heated debate, Congress ended the ban on selling weapons to countries at war, provided they observed the terms of the cash-and-carry rule. Britain quickly made use of the opening that Roosevelt had engineered to buy arms and other supplies from the United States. But the provision had one obvious weakness: countries had to have cash to pay U.S. manufacturers. The letter that Roosevelt received from Churchill on December 8, 1940, showed that would not be the case for much longer.

A political cartoon shows Senators William Borah, Gerald Nye, and Hiram Johnson—leading supporters of the Neutrality Act—ignoring the dangers of the war in Europe. September 7, 1939. Courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration.

A political cartoon shows Senators William Borah, Gerald Nye, and Hiram Johnson—leading supporters of the Neutrality Act—ignoring the dangers of the war in Europe. September 7, 1939. Courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration.

Arsenal of Democracy

Roosevelt understood the domestic political obstacles that stood in the way of providing more support to Britain and other countries fighting the Axis powers. Most Americans opposed German aggression, but anti-interventionist sentiment remained strong. Knowing he had to persuade Americans to do more, Roosevelt used a press conference nine days after receiving Churchill’s letter to float the idea of lending supplies to Britain. He likened to lending a garden hose to a neighbor whose house was burning, with the expectation that when the fire is out, the neighbor “gives it back to me and thanks me very much for the use of it.”

Roosevelt pushed the idea further at the end of December in one of his famed radio “fireside chats.” He argued that “if Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Australasia, and the high seas—and they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere.” The only sensible response, he argued, was for the United States to become “the great arsenal of democracy” that would make it possible for Britain and others to win their fight.

President Franklin Roosevelt's “Arsenal of Democracy” Fireside Chat, December 29, 1940

The Lend-Lease Proposal

Roosevelt recognized that he could not provide Britain with aid on the scale it needed without Congress’s approval. In September 1940, he had issued an executive order trading fifty old U.S. Navy destroyers for the right to lease naval and air bases in eight British territories in the Western Hemisphere. Anti-interventionists were outraged. They argued that he had exceeded his constitutional powers with the “destroyers-for-bases” deal and risked embroiling the United States in the war in Europe. Indeed, Churchill called the trade a “decidedly unneutral act.” FDR knew he had tested the limits on what he could do on his own authority and now needed congressional consent.

With the 1940 presidential election safely behind him, Roosevelt took up the challenge. In January 1941, he submitted a draft Lend-Lease Act to Congress. The proposal was sweeping in scope. It authorized him, “when he deems it in the interest of national defense…to sell, transfer title to, exchange, lease, lend, or otherwise dispose of” war materiel to the “government of any country whose defense the president deems vital to the defense of the United States.” Such a grant of authority to the president had no precedent in U.S. history. It would be a bitter point of contention in the legislative fight to come.

The Battle on Capitol Hill

Roosevelt and his congressional supporters pulled out all the stops to make Lend-Lease sound as American as apple pie. Besides giving speeches and writing newspaper articles hailing the need to act, they titled the legislation the “Bill to Promote the Defense of the United States.” That did not go far enough for Democratic Majority Leader John McCormack of Boston, who introduced the bill in the House. He worried that voters in his heavily Irish-American district would oppose any proposal to help the British. So to stir up patriotic passions, he arranged for the Lend-Lease bill to be designated House Resolution 1776.

These efforts did not convince ardent non-interventionists on Capitol Hill. They came from both sides of the political aisle and attacked the legislation for entangling the country in another European war and for vastly expanding presidential powers. Democratic Senator Burton Wheeler of Montana dismissed the idea that helping Britain would keep the United States out of war by arguing that “you can’t put your shirt tail into a clothes wringer and pull it out suddenly when the ringer keeps turning.” Republican Senator Robert Taft of Ohio called the bill “the most extraordinary delegation of legislative power which has ever been proposed to the Congress of the United States.” These congressional critics had public support. Anti-interventionist protesters marched on Capitol Hill carrying signs reading: “Kill Bill 1776, Not Our Boys.”

A Bill to Promote the Defense of the United States and For Other Purposes, also known as the Lend-Lease Act, 1941. Courtesy of the National Archives and Records Administration.

Congress Decides

For two months the Lend-Lease Act was, as Roosevelt put it, “argued in every newspaper, on every wavelength, over every cracker barrel in all the land.” Americans on both sides of the debate understood that the bill’s passage would unquestionably commit the United States to the Allied cause, even though its prospects seemed bleak. Most of Europe had fallen to Germany by the end of 1940. As Churchill’s letter to Roosevelt indicated, Britain’s ability to remain in the war was in doubt. German retaliation against the United States was a clear risk.

In the end, the votes broke Roosevelt’s way. In March 1941, lopsided majorities in both the House and Senate voted for the bill. It passed in good part because Roosevelt presented it as a peace measure, and he adroitly finessed the question of how the United States could help Britain without antagonizing Germany. Roosevelt also benefited from the fact that Democrats held large majorities in both houses of Congress. And he received the support of the man he had defeated for the presidency just four months earlier: former Republican presidential nominee Wendell Willkie endorsed Lend-Lease because it gave Americans the only “chance to defend liberty without themselves going to war.”

Detroit evening times., January 04, 1942,

The front page of the Detroit Evening Times, January 4, 1942. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The Legacy of the Lend-Lease Act

The United States provided more than $50 billion in supplies and services to fifty nations under the terms of the Lend-Lease Act over the course of World War II. Britain received approximately half of all Lend-Lease aid. The Soviet Union, which no one during the debate over the legislation imagined would become a recipient because it was allied with Germany at the time, received around one-fifth. Lend-Lease did not fulfill Roosevelt’s claim that it would keep the United States out of the war by enabling other countries to defeat the Axis powers. The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor nine months after the bill passed brought the United States into the war. Lend-Lease nonetheless helped sustain Britain when it stood nearly alone in resisting Germany, and it became a critical source of support for the Soviet Union after Germany turned on it in June 1941. Lend-Lease also boosted the U.S. economy. The law defined aid broadly, meaning that everything from weapons to grain exports to ship repair services were covered, which spurred the agricultural and industrial production that the United States would need when it entered World War II.

National Security Archive, GWU

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