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Worst Decision

4

Support for the Overthrow of Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddeq

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Introduction

Mohammad Mosaddeq became prime minister of Iran in April 1951. An ardent nationalist, he rose to power by challenging Great Britain’s dominance of Iran’s economy and politics. A month before becoming prime minister, Mosaddeq led the effort by the Iranian Majlis (parliament) to nationalize the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC), which the British government controlled. Rather than seek compromise with Tehran, London sought to reverse the law by crippling Iran’s oil exports, the main source of government revenue. President Harry S. Truman rejected British efforts to enlist the United States in pressuring Iran to return ownership of AIOC to Britain. British arguments that Mosaddeq was destabilizing Iran found a more friendly audience when Dwight D. Eisenhower became president. Fearing that a communist takeover of Iran was increasingly likely, Eisenhower authorized Operation Ajax to oust Mosaddeq. The coup came in August 1953. Its success encouraged subsequent U.S. efforts to destabilize governments Washington disliked, and Iranian nationalists used the coup to fuel anti-Americanism in Iran. SHAFR historians ranked the support for Mosaddeq’s overthrow as fourth-worst U.S. foreign policy decision.

Rising Iranian Nationalism

Iran emerged from World War II politically and economically weakened. Great Britain and the Soviet Union invaded the country in 1941 and ousted its ruler, Reza Khan, who had seized the Peacock Throne in a coup sixteen years earlier. London and Moscow feared that the shah, an unabashed admirer of Adolf Hitler, would block one of the main avenues for supplying the Soviets in the wake of Germany’s invasion of the Soviet Union. The new shah was his twenty-two-year-old son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. That political disruption, coupled with poor harvests, impoverished the country.

As elsewhere in Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, nationalism soared in Iran after the war ended. Iranians wanted to take back control of their country. Mohammad Mosaddeq became the champion of those aspirations. A descendant of Persian royalty who had been educated in Europe, he had served as Iran’s finance minister for more than twenty years. Sixty-nine years old when he became prime minister, he sought to reclaim Iran’s independence and expand the power of the Majlis. The former meant confronting Britain, the latter the shah.

Shah of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi speaking in Tehran, Iran, February 16, 1950.

Shah of Iran Mohammad Reza Pahlavi speaking in Tehran, Iran, February 16, 1950. Associated Press

Nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company

The main target of Mosaddeq’s economic ambitions was the AIOC. Britain owned a majority position in the company, which had a monopoly on Iran’s oil industry. The AIOC benefited from a lopsided deal it imposed on Iran and sustained with illicit payoffs to leading Iranians. In theory, Iran received 16 percent of the company’s profits. The actual percentage was likely far lower; the AIOC never let Iran see its books.

Mosaddeq agreed to become prime minister in 1951 only if the Majlis nationalized the oil industry. It did so unanimously. Britain, however, contested the decision, even though it had nationalized its own coal and steel industries. Self-image and self-interest both played a part in the decision to reject compromise. Britain was clinging to a global empire in steep decline and feared that any concessions would undermine its influence elsewhere in the Middle East. Meanwhile, the AIOC’s profits helped finance the British government. Unwilling to back down, London blockaded Iranian oil exports and persuaded other Western powers to stay on the sidelines. Iran’s oil exports plunged, wreaking havoc on its economy.

"The History of the British Petroleum Company: The Anglo-Iranian Years, 1928–1954." Cambridge University Press , 2006: 426.

Employees of the newly formed National Iranian Oil Company enter the evacuated Anglo-Iranian Oil Company building, June 20, 1951. Courtesy of J.H. Bamberg.

The Communist Menace

Britain wanted U.S. support for its effort to squeeze Iran. Truman declined, however, and dismissed British proposals to invade Iran and to force Mosaddeq’s ouster. Truman instead tried to mediate the dispute. He sent envoys to Tehran and even hosted Mosaddeq in Washington in a bid to find a solution. Nothing came of these efforts, in large part because Mosaddeq opposed any British involvement in Iran’s oil industry. In October 1952, after learning that London was seeking to orchestrate a coup against him, Mosaddeq broke diplomatic relations with Britain and expelled all British diplomats.

The 1952 presidential election gave London another opportunity to win U.S. support for ousting Mosaddeq. With the Soviets dominating Eastern Europe, Mao Zedong in power in China, and U.S. troops fighting communist forces in Korea, Eisenhower pledged to “roll back” communism. His choice for secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, intended to put that pledge into practice. Understanding the mood in Washington, British diplomats argued that Mosaddeq was creating an opening for Communists to seize power. The prime minister inadvertently buttressed that argument by pressing the Majlis to give him emergency governing powers, telling U.S. diplomats that a revolution was imminent, and threatening to turn to Moscow unless Washington provided more aid to Iran.

A political cartoon by Herbert L. Block shows the United States preoccupied with Formosa (Taiwan) while Soviet leader Joseph Stalin steals the wealth of Iran, 1951. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

U.S. Policy Shifts

Dulles was convinced by what he heard, even though Mosaddeq had excluded Communists from his government and it was the British embargo that had damaged Iran’s economy and roiled is politics. Eisenhower was initially skeptical, saying in March 1953 that Mosaddeq was “the only hope for the West in Iran.” Eisenhower’s opposition faded, however, as Mosaddeq rejected compromise proposals on the AIOC and Iranians took to the streets to protest economic hardship and Mosaddeq’s pursuit of emergency powers. Worried that Iran’s oil might be lost permanently to the West, in June Eisenhower approved a clandestine Anglo-U.S. effort to overthrow Mosaddeq.

Allen Dulles, the director of the CIA and John Foster Dulles’s younger brother, oversaw the planning for Operation Ajax, a covert campaign to inflame Iranian anger at Mosaddeq by paying journalists, mullahs, and politicians to attack him as corrupt and power hungry. At the same time, street gangs would be paid to attack public figures, increasing instability and fueling suspicions that Mosaddeq was attacking his critics. Then, paid demonstrators would march on the Majlis to demand his ouster. Power would be transferred to General Fazlollah Zahedi, who had served in Mosaddeq’s government before a mutual falling out.

Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles in 1953. Wikimedia Commons.

Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Director of Central Intelligence Allen Dulles, 1953. Courtesy of the National Archive of the Netherlands.

Operation Ajax

Kermit Roosevelt, a grandson of President Theodore Roosevelt, ran Operation Ajax on the ground in Iran. He encountered an immediate problem. The plan hinged on the shah firing Mosaddeq. But the shah balked. Mosaddeq had resigned his post a year earlier because the shah opposed his efforts to curtail royal power. Crowds poured into the streets demanding Mosaddeq’s reinstatement. The shah complied. He feared that firing Mosaddeq now would mean his own ouster. Meanwhile, after learning in July that members of the Majlis had been bribed to vote against him, Mosaddeq called for a national referendum to endorse his government. The clearly rigged vote gave him 99.4 percent support.

Under intense pressure from U.S. officials, the shah agreed to fire Mosaddeq and appoint Zahedi in his place. Mosaddeq, however, refused to step aside when he was told of his firing on August 15, and instead informed the country that he had foiled a coup. Operation Ajax appeared to have failed: the shah fled the country, Zahedi went into hiding, and the CIA directed Roosevelt to leave Iran. But over the next four days, the tide turned. Whether because Roosevelt paid protestors or because ordinary Iranians became alarmed that Mosaddeq was seeking to end the monarchy, public sentiment and military support turned against the prime minister. His premiership was over.

Protesters in Tehran, August 16, 1953. Courtesy of William Arthur Cram/The Guardian.

The Fallout

The shah solidified his control over Iran in the wake of Mosaddeq’s ouster. He had Mosaddeq tried and convicted of treason. He was sentenced to three years in prison, followed by life under house arrest. One of Mosaddeq’s closest advisers was executed, as were more than dozen military officers and student leaders allied with his government. Zahedi, who shared Mosaddeq’s view that Iran should have a constitutional monarch with limited powers, lasted only two years as prime minister before losing a power struggle to the shah. The once indecisive ruler would become an autocrat who would be deposed in the 1979 Iranian revolution.

Mosaddeq’s ouster did not produce the outcome that British officials anticipated. The Eisenhower administration rejected the idea that the AIOC, renamed British Petroleum (now known as BP), would resume its monopoly over Iran’s oil production. Instead, the United States forced Britain to accept an agreement under which control of a new National Iranian Oil Company was shared among U.S., British, and European firms, that would split its profits fifty-fifty with Iran.

The front page of The Evening Star (Washington, DC) with news of the Iranian coup, August 19, 1953. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

The Legacy of the Overthrow of Mosaddeq

Mosaddeq’s fall partly reflected his retreat from his own democratic principles as he grabbed emergency powers and sought to stifle the criticism of Iranians angry that his nationalization policy had failed to produce the benefits he promised. Nonetheless, by intervening in Iran’s internal politics, the Eisenhower administration helped to derail Iran’s nascent democracy and set the country on the path toward autocracy. The Eisenhower administration and its successors also took the seeming success of Operation Ajax as an endorsement for other efforts to oust governments it disliked, most notably a year later in Guatemala. These interventions allied the United States with more dictatorships and generated considerable anti-American sentiment. That consequence became most evident a quarter of a century later when a viciously anti-American nationalist movement swept the shah from power and ushered in the theocratic Islamic Republic of Iran.

The coup was clearly a setback for Iran’s political development. And it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America in their internal affairs.

Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, March 17, 2000

National Security Archive, GWU

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