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Follow the Money

Brad Setser tracks cross-border flows, with a bit of macroeconomics thrown in.

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Can China Continue to Export its Way Out of its Property Slump?

Chinese growth has relied on exports to an unprecedented extent in 2024 and 2025?   Should that continue, or is it time to pivot?

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United States
Big, and getting bigger. The 2005 trade and current account deficit
$65.7b in December$198.2 b for the fourth quarter$725.8 b for the year.Big numbers, all.The roughly $200b fourth quarter trade deficit was about as big as the $200 b quarterly current account deficit in each of the first three quarters.    The fourth quarter's current account deficit obviously will be a bit bigger.   I expect a q4 current account deficit of between $223b and $228b (I think transfers and income payments will add at least $25 b to the total) - or a q4 current account deficit of above 7% of US GDP.For 2005, the current account deficit should come in between $815b and $820b (6.5-6.6% of GDP).  A $225 billion quarterly current account deficit - sustained over an entire year - works out to $900b.   What's more, the US is entering into 2006 with a bit of momentum.  Of the bad kind.The average price per barrel price of US crude oil imports was $46.8 a barrel in 2005.  It will be a bit higher in 2006.And non-oil import growth (goods only) surged to 11% (y/y) in December. For most of 2005, non-oil goods imports were stalled at around $117b a month.  They hit $125.7b in December.   Q4 2005/ Q4 2004 non-oil goods imports are up, by my calculations, 8.8%.  That's faster than nominal GDP.   The resumption in rapid growth of non-oil imports in the fourth quarter is, to my mind, the real story here.A few thoughts on 06 and 07, and a bunch of tidbits follow.  The tidbits first:Oil import volumes only grew 1.7% in 2005.  Higher price did have an impact of US behavior.  Alas, higher prices had an even bigger impact on the United States oil import bill, which increased 39.4%, to 243.2 billion.The US spent almost exactly as much on imports from China - 243.46b - as on imports of petroleum -- $243.18b (using the raw data).  But oil imports did grow just a bit faster than imports from China.  US imports from China increased by 23.8% in 2005. Bilateral trade deficits are not that important, but the US bilateral trade deficit with China is symbolic of China's overall surplus (despite its oil import bill), and the United States overall deficit.  It topped $200b in 2005.David Barboza of the New York Times might want to note that overall US imports from the Asia Pacific grew by 12% in 2005 - faster than US nominal GDP.   Yes, production is shifting within Asia.   But overall goods imports from Asia are now 4.4% of US GDP.  That's up substantially from 2001-03, when imports from Asia averaged about 3.75% of US GDP.   And even above the 2000 peak - when the combination of the legacy of the Asian crisis and the tech boom pulled US imports from Asia way, way up - to 4.25% of US GDP.  Imports from Asia may be not be rising as a share of total US imports, but it overall imports are rising relative to GDP, imports from Asia are rising relative to US GDP as well.  Barboza's story left out the critical scale variable -- imports v. GDP.   There are two stories here - a shift within Asia, and an overall rise in US imports from Asia.   Barboza might also have usefully noted that Asia accounts for a smaller share of US goods exports (25%) than goods imports (33%).  Asia as a whole - and China in particular - does have a role to play in the broad global adjustment.  But make no mistake the needed adjustment is global.  US exports to the eurozone, in dollar terms, not in percentage terms, increased by more than US exports to China.   Exports to euroland were up $10.2 billion, exports to China increased by $7.1 billion.  Sclerotic Europe as a whole imported $13.7b more from the US in 2005 than in 2004, the dynamic Asian Pacific region imported $13.2 b more. November-December US exports to the eurozone were up 10.9% y/y.  Not bad.  That's faster than the full year 05/ full year 04 growth rate -- a good sign.  I suspect that this growth will slow though.   The euro/ dollar.   But maybe US exports of engines and components to Airbus will help keep US export growth up in 2006.Project out current oil prices and 10% non-oil import growth for 2006, and the US trade deficit gets a lot bigger (I'll provide some numbers later).   Add in rising (net) interest payments, and the US current account deficit gets a lot bigger.    Unless something changes, I don't think a current account deficit of 7.3-7.5% of GDP is out of the question.Non-oil import growth is currently accelerating.  That may be a temporary thing.  But unless it changes, the US is headed for bigger deficits.That's why I was a bit surprised that PIMCO thinks a double digit US current account deficit is an extreme - fat tail - outcome.  "What I would like to ponder in this Investment Outlook are not necessarily the merits of either side of that argument but the shape of the future yield curve if current globalization/monetary recycling trends continue. One of Mohamed's last admonitions to us came last week in an Investment Committee meeting where he suggested we view the world without the economic/financial fat tails represented by a U.S. trade deficit imploding to 2% or 3% GDP or exploding to new peaks approaching double digits."OK, Mohamed El-Erian is no longer at PIMCO, and he framed the issue as a double-digit trade deficit, not a double-digit current account deficit.    They are a bit different. But I suspect that the US is a lot closer to current account deficit that approaches double digits than many realize.  Imports are now 16% of US GDP, and exports are 10.2% of US GDP.   Imports are heading up relative to GDP.    The current value of the dollar may not be consistent with a sharp rise in exports relative to GDP.   I don't think a trade deficit of 7% of GDP - again, barring some significant shifts - is unlikely in a couple of years, or even sooner.  It just represents the continuation of current trends.Transfers will continue to add 0.7 to 0.8% of US GDP to the US current account deficit.And the income balance is poised to shift into a significant deficit over the next few years.  By 2007, I don't think an income deficit of 1.2-1.3% of GDP is out of the question.    Add that all up,  and the US current account deficit could be approaching 9% of US GDP, just based on the continuation of current trends and the shift in the income balance.   That shift has already been programmed in - the US took out lots of cheap external debt from 2002-2004 that is in the process of being repriced, and we are continuing to add to our debt stock.Obviously, the savings and investment balance has to shift a bit to be consistent with that kind of overall deficit ...  the US has to save less, or invest more.    But is not entirely implausible if the US doesn't cut back on its consumption even as a rising share of its income has to be devoted to external debt service.Right now,  I just don't see the forces that will keep the US from heading toward a double digit current account deficit.  Avoiding that "Fat-tail" outcome requires change, not more of the same.
Monetary Policy
The central bank (and oil fund) bid
I am constantly amazed by the concern well paid Wall Street economists display for poor Chinese peasants.    China, you see, cannot revalue the RMB without devastating rural China.  A revalued RMB would make rice imports cheaper, lowering domestic rice prices and cutting rural incomes. This is probably the only point of convergence between Wall Street Journal oped page stalwart David "don't tax capital" Malpass and Joseph "globalization and its discontents" Stiglitz.    Those same Wall Street economists typically don't display similar concerns about the plight of US autoworkers and others facing competitive pressure from China's very competitive coastal manufacturing zones.    Or stalled real wage (and compensation) growth in the US. Many may even think the CEOs of public US companies are somewhat under-paid. Principals in private equity firms do so much better ... But right now, they really, really care about rural poverty China.  Funny that. TECHNICAL UPDATE:  Comments went down over night-- an unexpected complication of some technical surgery on the site.   But they are now working, and comments posted overnight should now appear as well. There is a real issue here.  The exchange rate that is right for coastal China may not be right for China's interior. But I suspect that Wall Street's new concern for the welfare of Chinese peasants working small rice plots in la Chine profonde is not so altruistic.   Their concern probably has a lot more to do with the fact that a lot of market valuations are supported by relatively low long-term interest rates.   And so long as rural peasants in China cannot produce rice competitively (or China needs to shift its vast rural labor force into the export sector) China's government has no choice but to continue to finance the US at quite low rates. I have been wrong about a fair number of things this I started writing this blog.   The Bretton Woods 2 system of Chinese financing of the US looks a bit more robust than I expected.  China continues to pile up reserves.  And oil exporters have emerged as a bigger source of financing for the US than even China, helping to sustain a large and growing US current account deficit.  But I think I can claim one small success: the evidence that central bank intervention to defend undervalued exchange rates and the associated demand for US bonds from central banks looking to invest their (rapidly growing) reserves has helped keep long-term US rates low is by now fairly strong.   A lot of models that worked relatively well up til say 2000 predict interest rates of around 6% -- not 4.5%.   And the obvious change in the world economy over the past few years has been the huge surge in reserve accumulation by emerging economies. Part of the impact of central bank intervention is indirect.  China's intervention keeps the China price low, and puts downward pressure on the price of many goods (as does massive Chinese investment in plant and equipment).  That has helped to keep rising energy prices from spilling over into broader price increases.  China's overall impact on inflation in the US is ambiguous - China is certainly pushing up the price of lots of commodities.  But it pretty clear has been helping to keep core inflation down. But part of the impact is very direct.  The evidence is now pretty clear that central banks have not just been buying short-term Treasuries.   My source here is rather credible: the bond king himself, PIMCO's Bill Gross.  I cannot easily reproduce the charts in his latest note, so follow the link.  But his bottom line is clear. ... the following two charts/tables that point to an increasing presence, nay domination, of foreign buying - especially central bank buying - on the intermediate and long ends of the U.S. yield curve. Both charts point out that "Foreigners" and indeed "Official Foreign" central banks own greater percentages of notes and bonds up to 10-years in maturity, than they do bills The first chart in Gross's note - originally from Merrill Lynch - is the clincher.  And what's more, I suspect Merrill Lynch's note significantly understates total "non-economic" holdings of US treasuries.   Why?   The US data that these kinds of calculations are based on only captures 35% or so of this year's increase in China's reserves.  The remaining 65% are going somewhere.  Maybe not into Treasuries, but somewhere.   And the US data doesn't pick up any increase in the holdings of dollar securities by of oil exporters. As the New York Times reported last week, most oil exporters are spending as if oil was about $30 - rather than $65 plus.  And since most oil revenues go to the state, the fact that budgets are based on oil prices far below the current level means that the oil states are saving a ton.   No doubt, oil states are spending more than they were in 2001.   spending at a $30 a barrel pace is more than spending at a $20, or $15, a barrel pace.   But oil prices keep rising faster than oil state spending.   The savings glut in the oil states is now even more pronounced than the savings glut in China.   In 2005, the combined current account surplus of the major oil exporters probably approached $400 billion.   Oil averaged about $55 last year.  If it averages $65, I wouldn't be surprised to see a $500 billion plus current account surplus in the oil states ... That money is going somewhere, even if it does show up in the US data.   I suspect that a lot of private flows to the US are, in reality, not so private.   Martin Feldstein agrees.   Or at least, private investors are not taking the currency risk.   Saudi Arabia deposits dollars in Lebanon, which are lent to a bank in London, which finances a hedge fund ...
China
China reserve watch
I often launch into rants triggered by statements about China's reserve growth - and about hot money flows - that seem to be based entirely on the reported increase on China's reserves. My beef?  China's reported reserve increase combines two things.  The amount of foreign exchange the central bank bought in the market.   And changes in the dollar value of China's reserve assets stemming from changes in the dollar/ euro, dollar/ yen, dollar/ pound and so on.   The central bank's actual purchase of foreign exchange -- the key number -- can only be inferred from the reported reserve increase. Valuation changes are potentially quite significant.   So significant that a wrong call on the euro/ dollar ruined the career of a senior Chinese official back when China only had $200 billion in total reserves.  Now China has $820 billion in reserves, and at least $160 billion (20%) and perhaps as much as $240 billion (30%) in reserve assets denominated in euros, yen and other currencies not named the US dollar.  So a 10% annual move against a composite of the euro/ yen/ pound would reduce (or increase) China's reported reserves by somewhere between $16 and $24 billion. Rather than just complain, I decided to do something.   RGE monitor is now producing a "China reserve watch."   Alas, I have to reserve this kind of analysis for RGE subscribers.  But I do want to highlight a couple of key points for the broader audience that participates in this blog.Before going further, though,  I want to acknowledge that the analysis that Casson Rosenblatt and i conducted has been heavily influenced by Eswar Prasad and Shang-Jin Wei's paper "The Chinese Approach to Capital Inflows: Patterns and Possible Explanations."    In broad terms, our reserve watch just applies their methodology to the quarterly data rather than the annual data. Adjusting for valuation - along with reserves transferred to state banks/ and currency swaps that reduce the central bank's reported reserves -- is clearly important.   If you just look at the reported increase in China's 2004 and 2005 reserves, it looks like China's reserves increased at a similar pace in 2004 and 2005. They didn't.  China's 2005 reserve increase was certainly far stronger than its 2004 reserve increase.   Moves in the dollar/ euro subtracted from China's reserve growth in 2005, and added to China's 2004 reserve growth.   If China ha 20% of its reserves in euro and 10% in yen, its 2005 reserve growth (including $15 billion shifted to one state bank and at least $6 billion in currency swaps) was around $260 billion, v. roughly $190 billion in 2004.  The euro/ yen split doesn't matter much - a 70%/ 30% dollar/euro reserve basket produces a similar estimate for 04 gains and 05 losses.  An 80/20 split implies slightly smaller valuation losses, and thus reserve growth of around $250 billion rather than $260 billion. Adjusting the quarterly reserve data for valuation changes also is important -- and yields new insights about the pattern of hot money flows into China.  To calculate hot money flows, Casson Rosenblatt and I estimated quarterly valuation changes to estimate the "underlying" increase in the central banks reserves and compared that total to China's reported quarterly current account surplus and FDI inflows.   Hot money is portion of the valuation adjusted reserve increase not explained by the current account surplus and (net) FDI inflows.  It corresponds with the non-FDI capital account and the errors and omissions line of the balance of payments. One caveat: China hasn't reported its current account surplus for q3 or q4, so we estimated the surplus based on the reported merchandise trade data.   That is an obvious source of potential error. What specifically did we learn? Hot money inflows into China peaked in the second quarter of 2005, not the fourth quarter of 2004.   The transfer of $15 billion to ICBC and big valuation losses masked a lot of the q2 increase.   Chatter about hot money flows, however, peaked in q4 - as analysts worked off measures of China's reserve increase that counted valuation gains as hot money inflows. Hot money inflows fell sharply in q3 and q4.   That is not what I expected in July.  At the time, I thought China's small exchange rate move would lead speculators to bet on further moves, and thus do little to slow the pace of capital inflows into China.   Lardy and Goldstein made a similar argument.  We all were wrong.  Inflows fell after the revaluation.   In part because China tightened controls on inflows.  In part because the fed kept hiking US rates.   In part because - it now seems - China's central bank flooded the Chinese banking system with liquidity to drive down the interbank rate and widen the interest rate differential between China and the US (see this HSBC publication).  In part because the Shanghai real estate market ain't so hot. And in part because China convinced folks that it would allow the RMB to appreciate at a very measured pace. Finally, Jonathan Anderson overstates his case.   The pace of inflows slowed in the fourth quarter, but they did not completely stop.  Anderson is certainly not alone in making this argument, but his argument is more sophisticated than most. What explains the difference between Anderson's calculations and my calculations? I don't think it is valuation: Anderson - unlike many, including Bear Stearns - does adjust for currency moves.   Rather it reflects differences in how to account for the November currency swap (I think it reduced China's reserves) and Anderson's decision to use seasonally adjusted reserve data.  I think valuation adjustment is essential, but don't like seasonal adjustments in this context. I wonder what the January reserve data will show.  Currency moves increased the value of China's euros and yen - the dollar fell by 2.3% against the euro in January and a bit over 3% against the yen in January, more or less reversing the valuation losses from the fourth quarter.    Capital flows into much of Asia picked up, leading other Asian central banks jump back into the market.  That suggests a pick-up in hot money flows into China.    Korea's reserves are up $6.5 in January, both from valuation gains and renewed intervention.  Stay tuned.
  • United States
    Is national income accounting biased against the US?
    In a fake news classic, Rob Corddry and Jon Stewart of the Daily Show once pondered how to report "the facts" when "the facts themselves were biased."  Michael Mandel seems to think the facts are biased against the US economy.Not really the facts.  National income accounting.According to Mandel, national income accounting is biased against the US. It was designed for countries that invest heavily in factories that make things.   The US in the 1920s and 1930s and above all the 1940s.   Or China today.National income accounting doesn't work for the current knowledge-driven American economy, driven by platform companies that have outsourced all the dirty work of manufacturing.   Rather than obsess about all the weaknesses that US shows in the conventional national income accounts - low savings, not-so-wonderful investment, big current account deficits - we should embrace a set of new metrics designed for the Ipod  (designed in California, assembled in Asia) economy. Time and other worry warts have it all wrong, in part because it looked at the wrong measures.   National income accounting understates both US investment in "knowledge" and brand equity and US "knowledge" exports. To be fair to Michael Mandel, I am exaggerating his argument a bit for effect, and ignoring the caveats in his Business Week cover story.   But he clearly thinks the "doom and gloom caucus, trade deficit division" doesn't get the new knowledge economy.  Is he right? Mandel's core argment is that the national accounts understate US investment in the knowledge economy and other intangible assets, understate savings by counting investment as consumption and fails to capture US knowledge exports.  I do not have an informed opinion on the question of whether the national accounts definition of investment is dated, and too narrow.   Should some of McDonald's advertising budget be considered a long-term investment in McDonald's brand - an investment with a longer half-life than a new PC - rather than just an attempt to sell more burgers today.    That would drive up US investment rates.  And US savings rates, as both business investment and business savings would rise. Maybe the US invests (and saves) more than the national income accounts show.   I don't think, though, that mismeasured advertising investment changes the bottom line: the US now saves a lot less than it used to.  The US savings rate may not be negative, but it still fall short of what the US needs to finance all the investment the US does.But that's old thinking according to Mandel.   The Gloom and Doom caucus - trade deficit division (I suspect most would consider me a member) misses all the fantastic profits that US firms are making exporting their know-how.  It mismeasures the Ipod economy.   A country that is the home of the company that owns Eurodisney, Tokyo Disney and Hong Kong Disney  and profits from all the Brits lining up to get into Orlando's Disney World must be doing well ... One caveat.   Eurodisney is not my example.  It belongs to the Harvard economists who conjured up dark matter. I suspect it isn't the best of all examples of US prowess abroad ... According to Mandel, the doom and gloom caucus, trade deficit division, doesn't get the Ipod economy.  It also ignores all the gains the US gets from importing human capital.  Immigrants educated abroad generate large big windfall gains when they come to the US.  India pays for the world class education at Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), US firms (and therefore US economy) reap the benefits. Mandel: Perhaps the trickiest and most controversial aspect of the shadow economy is how it alters our assessment of international trade. The same intangible investments not counted in GDP, such as business know-how and brand equity, are for the most part left out of foreign trade stats, too. Also largely ignored is the mass influx of trained workers into the U.S. They represent an immense contribution of human capital to the economy that the U.S. gets free of charge, which can substantially balance out the trade deficit of goods and services. "I don't know that the trade deficit really tells you where you are in the global economy," says Gary L. Ellis, chief financial officer of Medtronic Inc., a world leader in medical devices such as implantable defibrillators. "We're exporting a lot of knowledge."I want to touch (hopefully briefly) on both parts of Mandel's arguments.Should a country that is importing human capital also be importing savings from abroad, as Mandel argues?  Perhaps.   Consider Australia in the 1800s.  It imported people and capital from the British Isles.  But those resources were invested in the export sector, producing wool, wheat and iron to sell back to Britain.Taking on external debt to build up an export sector (staffed with immigrant labor) is one thing.  But that is not what the US seems to be doing.  The debt seems to be financing the housing sector.  And lots of immigrants seem to be employed in the US service sector.  Visit a restaurant kitchen in New York.   Or look for domestic help ... Still, I can see why the US might be importing capital from other advanced economies whose labor forces are forecast to fall.   Though it isn't immediately obvious why Japan is financing the US rater than say emerging Asia.  Or why the emerging world and its rapidly expanding urban labor force is financing the US.  Demographics cannot explain why Saudi Arabia - with a ballooning labor force from high population growth - is financing the US.    Or even China -- a particularly interesting case.   Its demographics are unusual.   The one child policy and all.  Its overall population isn't growing.  But if you think of China not as one economy but as two, a rural interior economy and a coastal manufacturing economy, the picture changes a bit.   The coastal economy - not the interior - is the source of financing for the US.  And migration from the interior to the coast implies that the coastal labor force is growing far faster than the US labor force.   Employing rural migrants in the Chinese industrial sector certainly takes lots of capital, and uses lots of savings  ... China just happens to be the world champion right now at both savings and investing.But maybe my concern is misplaced - the US isn't importing savings to build houses and a domestic services sector, but successful, global platform companies that stride the world, sucking up profits from their activities abroad that "old" metrics like the current account don't capture.  That too is part of Mandel's argument.US knowledge exports that make Intel's plants in Israel, Costa Rica, Ireland, Singapore and no doubt many other places hum.  Pepsi exports knowledge to Ireland, where it now produces Pepsi concentrate for sale back to the US.  OK, not that one.  It is too obviously tax arbitrage.  Coke does it too.I don't buy the broader argument, at least not in full.Mandel didn't mention the Japanese knowledge Toyota exports to its US plants.  Or the German knowledge that Mercedes and BMW export to their US (and Eastern European) plants.  Or the French knowledge exported in the perfume, fashion and wine businesses ... The flow of intangibles in the global economy is not one way.  Nor do US firms capture all of the benefits of their "intangible" knowledge exports.  A US firm sets up a plant in China, and teaches its employees the secrets of building cars or computer chips.  And then a Chinese firm poaches its US firms' employees.   This is no doubt good for economic development, as it helps increase the productivity of Chinese firms.   But it makes it harder for the US to continue to reap monopoly profits on its knowledge.  Or its brands.I also don't think the current account is quite as outdated a concept as Mandel suggests.The current account deficit is not just the trade deficit.   It also includes US overseas "income" - as well as the payments the US makes on its external debt.There are obviously enormous issues about the correct measurement of the overseas profits of US firms.  But the overseas income of US firms is a big part of the US current account.   Indeed, it is the income that the US gets from its firms abroad that has keep the US from making (net) interest and dividend payments on the world.  Dark matter and all.Let's go back to the accounting for the Ipod economy.Suppose Apple makes Ipods in China with a set of components that are generally made either in China or Asia.   But the design and software are American.  And since the components are commodities, most of the profits go to Apple (whether Apple USA, Apple Hong Kong, or Apple Ireland - taxes and all).   And since Apple is mostly owned by American residents, those profits generally benefit the US.Suppose that an Ipod that sells for $100 consists of $50 in Asian components and assembly (with associated small profits), and $50 in design, software and engineering, with associated large profits)  How would this all show up in the current account?Let's first consider the case where Apple USA imports Ipods (without any software) from Asia for $50, installs the software in the US and then sells them in the US for $100.   That is a net $50 outflow from the US - the US is importing Asian components and assembly.  And if the software costs $5 to install (including the amortized cost of the initial investment in writing the code), Apple gets a juicy $45 profit ... Suppose that Apple Ireland imports Ipods (without software) from Asia for $50, installs the software, and then sells the Ipods to Apple USA for $100. The US is importing $50 in Asian components and assembly, and $50 in "Irish" know-how ...   So US imports go up.  But that's not all.  If the $5 in software was written in the US, it should show up as a service export.  And if Apple Ireland is 100% owned by Apple US, the $45 profit shows up as $45 credit (the equivalent of an export) in to the United States investment income.  Think of it as a dividend payment from Apple Ireland to Apple USA.Add it all up, and the net impact on the US current account is the same.  The US imports $100, exports $5 and gets $45 in investment income.  Total impact on the balance of payments: $50.I won't go through all the complexities when Ipods made in Asia are sold not in the US but in say Europe.  Suffice to say that the US gets $50 in external income from exporting its software and design.  If the Ipods were shipped to the US for $50, then exported to Europe with software for $100, the full $50 would show up as export income.  If the Ipod software is installed in Ireland, the US exports $5 in software to Ireland and gets $45 in investment income abroad.  It still is a $50 credit to the United States external balance.  The credit just shows up primarily in the investment income line, not the export line.This is the point Philip Lane made in the Economist.  He is right.You can add the income US firms earn abroad to US exports, and the income foreign firms earn in the US to US imports.   The result is the "ownership-based" current account.    The BEA publishes the US current account data in this format regularly.Adding FDI income in this way reduces the trade deficit  - as I discussed a couple of weeks ago, foreign firms (for some reason .... ) report very small earnings on their US operations.  I guess Toyota isn't as good at running an auto plant as Intel is at running a semiconductor plant.  So US firms earns more abroad than foreign firms earn in the US.  In 2004, the balance on goods, service and net receipts by US firms is $490 - while the standard goods and services deficit was $618 billion.But it doesn't change the bottom line.  The US still imports far more than it exports.   And that gap between US imports and exports is growing.  Look at the BEA table.Nor does it change the US current account deficit.  Adding profits on FDI to profits reduces the trade balance, but it makes the income balance work.   Right now the profits from US firms foreign operations are offsetting payments on US treasuries held abroad rather than offsetting US imports.   Where the overseas profits of US firms are counted in the external balance matters less than whether they are counted accurately.That is where I suspect Mandel (and others) are on to something.   There are problems with the measurement of US firms operations abroad.  I would bet the real data doesn't perfectly capture the foreign activities of Apple.  Or Pepsi.  But the errors go both ways.   I suspect foreign firms' US operations are a bit more profitable than the US data suggests as well.   So I don't think the measurement of firm's overseas income is systematically biased against the US.   Actually, I suspect it works the other way.If you don't like the trade data, look at the capital flow data.  There is a lot more money flowing into the US from abroad than flowing from the US to the world.   But maybe the Treasury's survey data is biased against the US too ...
  • China
    Not the usual way to describe your biggest creditor …
    According to the Financial Times, the Pentagon sees China as the United States greatest potential rival."China has the "greatest potential to compete militarily" with America in the future, but the US is also increasingly worried about Russian arms sales, the Pentagon said in major review of military priorities. Underscoring mounting concerns about the rise of China, the highly anticipated quadrennial defence review [QDR] focuses on the potential future threat from a Chinese military build-up that "already puts regional military balances at risk."The Pentagon plots how to contain China using money that the US Treasury raises by selling bonds to China.  Tis a strange world we live in.No one played a bigger role financing the 2005 US current account deficit than China's central bank.   Rather than advocating new weapons systems, maybe the US top brass should be advocating for new taxes, so the US government isn't so financially dependent on China, Saudi Arabia and Russia.  National power has many components.John Gray's commentary on the financial achilles heel that underlines America's hegemony seems relevant:The Case for Goliath is an eloquent statement of the vital role of America in twenty-first-century global security. Yet the picture it presents of America's unchallenged hegemony passes over some awkward facts. Unlike Britain in the nineteenth century, which was the world's largest exporter of capital, the United States is the world's largest debtor. In effect America's military adventures are paid for with borrowed money—notably that lent by China, whose purchases of American government debt have become crucial in underpinning the US economy. This dependency on China cannot easily be squared with the idea that the US is acting as the world's unpaid global enforcer. It is America's foreign creditors who fund this role, and if they come to perceive US foreign policy as dangerously threatening or irrational they are in a position to raise its costs to the point where they become prohibitive. As Emmanuel Todd, the French analyst who, in 1975, forecast the impending Soviet collapse, has noted: The United States is unable to live on its own economic activity and must be subsidized to maintain its current level of consumption—at present cruising speed that subsidy amounts to 1.4 billion dollars a day (as of April 2003). If its behavior continues to be disruptive, it is America that ought to fear an embargo. Given that it would also harm America's creditors the likelihood of such an embargo may be remote, but it is no longer unthinkable.I have long been puzzled why those who believe America must go it alone and not allow any country a veto over US foreign policy have been relatively unconcerned by the United States growing financial dependence on the rest of the world, and a few countries in particular.   I think part of the answer is that most folks in the US don't see if as dependence.   As my friends at the US Treasury like to say, we aren't asking anyone to build up their reserves and buy Treasuries.But that doesn't mean that the end of this existing financial subsidy would be painless.  Paying for your imports with exports is rather different than paying for them with credit.    And there might be some impacts on the housing market (and housing jobs) too.