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The Water's Edge

James M. Lindsay analyzes the politics shaping U.S. foreign policy and the sustainability of American power.

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A woman casts her vote at a polling station in Seoul, South Korea, May 29, 2025.
A woman casts her vote at a polling station in Seoul, South Korea, May 29, 2025. REUTERS/Kim Hong-Ji

Ten Elections to Watch in 2026

Numerous countries will hold elections in 2026. Here are ten to watch.

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CFR at the Oscars
Click here to view this video on Youtube.com My job gives me opportunities to work with people who have sterling credentials: Nobel Prize winners, Hayek Award winners, Rhodes Scholars, and Marshall Scholars, to name just a few. But until I sat down last week to interview Carie Lemack, I had never spent time with an Academy Award nominee. Carie is the executive producer of Killing in the Name, which is up for an Oscar in the Documentary Short Subject category. Carie produced the film while she was a CFR International Affairs Fellow. As you might imagine, everyone at CFR is enormously proud of her accomplishment. Killing in the Name tells the story of Ashraf, whose life was changed forever when an Al-Qaeda suicide bomber attacked his wedding celebration in Amman, Jordan in 2005, killing twenty-seven members of Ashraf’s family. Ashraf begins a journey around the world seeking to break the silence among Muslims on the subject of terrorism. Carie is the co-founder of Global Survivors Network (GSN), a global organization for victims of terror to speak out against terrorism and radicalization. She previously co-founded and led Families of September 11 after her mother, Judy Larocque, was killed on American Airlines Flight 11 that crashed into the North tower of the World Trade Center. I know there is one film I will be rooting for on Sunday night.
Guest Post: What the American Public Thinks about Egypt
Demonstrators shout slogans during a protest outside the White House. (Jose Luis Magaua/courtesy Reuters) Politicians, pundits, and bloggers have all been weighing in with their assessments of how President Obama handled the protests in Egypt and what Hosni Mubarak’s ouster means for U.S. interests in the Middle East. But what do average Americans think about what has happened? I asked my colleague Charles Landow, Associate Director of CFR’s Program on Civil Society, Markets and Democracy, to take a look at what the polls have to say. Here’s what he found: President Barack Obama has devoted less rhetoric and attention to promoting democracy in the Middle East than did his predecessor, President George W. Bush. And Obama’s cautious reaction to the pro-democracy protests in Egypt drew some criticism. Among the critics were former Bush administration officials, such as CFR’s Elliott Abrams and Mark Lagon, who urged Obama to reprise Bush’s “freedom agenda” and embrace Egypt’s protesters more enthusiastically. But how did Obama’s stance toward Egypt play among average Americans? Polls taken over the course of the uprising by Rasmussen Reports, the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, Gallup, and Fox News show reasonable though hardly overwhelming support for Obama’s response. And as we might expect, Republican respondents were more critical of the president than Democrats. For example, in the Pew poll, 69 percent of Democrats approved of Obama’s stance while only 43 percent of Republicans agreed. But the surveys also reveal something surprising: Americans are unsure that the democratic upheaval in Egypt will benefit the United States. In polls taken during the protests, before former president Hosni Mubarak stepped down, respondents’ views ranged from somewhat sanguine (60 percent in the Gallup survey said Egypt’s political changes would be “mostly good” for the United States) to fairly alarmed (67 percent in the Fox News survey said events in Egypt were “worrisome”). Even after Mubarak had resigned, only 29 percent of respondents in another Rasmussen poll thought the transition was a good thing for the United States. Also interesting is the partisan divide in these findings: Democrats viewed the changes in Egypt more positively than did Republicans. The Gallup poll showed a 20-point gap among those who said Egypt’s upheaval would be mostly good for the United States (71 percent of Democrats versus 51 percent of Republicans). In the Fox News poll, more than twice as many Democrats as Republicans called Egypt’s revolution inspiring, and 81 percent of Republicans called it worrisome. (Not all numbers from that poll were released.) Indeed, the freedom agenda views advanced by some conservative commentators do not seem prevalent among Republicans in general. According to the Pew poll, more Republicans (19 percent) thought Obama had shown too much support for Egypt’s protesters than believed he had shown too little (15 percent). We cannot say from the available data why so few Republicans favored stronger support for the protesters. Some may be “realists” who fear that Egypt’s upheaval will bring Islamists to power and adversely affect Israel. Others may believe the United States should be less involved in foreign affairs overall. But more generally, the poll numbers highlight the political difficulty of democracy promotion as a central plank of foreign policy. It seems a no-brainer: what American would side with an aging strongman over the inspiring Egyptians in the streets? And it’s true that most Americans did view the protesters sympathetically. But according to the numbers, they are less sure that the strongman’s ouster will turn out well for the United States. (Note about the polls cited in this post: the Rasmussen surveys polled “likely U.S. voters,” the Fox News survey polled “registered voters,” and the Pew and Gallup surveys polled simply American adults.)
TWE Celebrates Presidents’ Day Because It Is the Day of Presidents
President George W. Bush meets with former Presidents and President-elect Obama in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, January 2009. (Kevin Lamarque/courtesy Reuters) Being president of the United States is a hard job. So permit me to tip my cap in honor of the forty-three men—and they have all been men—who have been president. A few presidents have loved the job. Teddy Roosevelt said “No president has ever enjoyed himself as much as I have enjoyed myself.” Most other presidents, though, have found the job demanding, perhaps too demanding. James K. Polk pretty much worked himself to exhaustion. Zachary Taylor, the hero of the Mexican-American War, found being president harder than leading men into battle. Dwight Eisenhower had a heart attack from the stress of leading the Free World. Many presidents express relief once they can be called “former president.” This trend started early. John Adams told his wife Abigail that George Washington looked too happy watching him take the oath of office. “Me–thought I heard him say, ‘Ay, I am fairly out and you fairly in! See which of us will be happiest!” Andrew Johnson, who was impeached by the House but acquitted by the Senate, returned to Capitol Hill six years after leaving the White House as senator from Tennessee. When an acquaintance mentioned that his new accommodations were smaller than his old ones at the White House, he replied: “But they are more comfortable.” Rutherford B. Hayes longed to escape what he called a “life of bondage, responsibility, and toil.” The only part of the job that Chester Arthur liked was giving parties. He apparently did that quite well. His nickname was the “prince of hospitality." Grover Cleveland claimed there was “no happier man in the United States” when he lost his reelection bid in 1888. Time away from the White House apparently changed his mind. He ran again in 1892 and won, making him the only president to hold two non-consecutive terms. Many modern presidents blame the media for making their lives miserable. But the complaint is as old as the Republic. Thomas Jefferson suggested that newspaper editors should divide their papers “into four chapters, heading the 1st, Truths. 2d, Probabilities. 3d, Possibilities. 4th, Lies.” The Inaugural Address Any elected president’s first official act is to deliver an inaugural address. The expectations and stakes are high. So high in fact that many presidents-elect channel their inner undergraduate and labor late into the night wordsmithing. James Garfield didn’t finish his speech until 2:30 am on Inauguration Day. Bill Clinton did him two hours better, fiddling with his speech until 4:30 am. Some presidents rise to the occasion on Inaugural Day with soaring rhetoric that rings through the ages. Franklin Delano Roosevelt gave us “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself.” John F. Kennedy gave us: “Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.” Alas, most inaugural addresses are forgettable. James Buchanan used his to complain that the country was so consumed in debating slavery that it was ignoring other, more important issues. That address tells us a lot about why Buchanan tops every list of the worst presidents in American history. Ulysses S. Grant, a far better general than a president, used his inaugural address to complain that his critics were treating him unfairly. Most presidents share this sentiment, but they find better venues to share it. Richard Nixon gave us the memorable line: “The American dream does not come to those who fall asleep.” Uh, okay. Some presidents get right to the point in their inaugural address. Washington’s second inaugural address totaled only 135 words—or about the length of two recitations of the Lord’s Prayer. William Henry Harrison, the hero of the Battle of Tippecanoe, went to the other extreme. He took two hours to deliver an 8,000-word speech. It was a bitterly cold day, but the 68-year-old Harrison spoke without a coat or hat. He caught a cold, which turned into pneumonia, and he died a month later. That made him the first president to die in office. (It also made John Tyler the first vice president to finish out a president’s term.) Harrison holds two other distinctions. First, he was the last American president born as an English subject. Second, he was the first, and so far only president, to have his grandson become president. Benjamin Harrison, please take a bow. When George Washington first took the oath of office in New York City on April 30, 1789, only people within the sound of his voice could hear what he had to say. Every president afterwards until Woodrow Wilson also spoke without the benefit of amplification. Which prompts the question: Did the people who spent two hours listening to William Henry Harrison drone on in the bitter cold actually hear him? Warren Harding was the first president to deliver his inaugural address into a microphone. Calvin Coolidge was the first president to deliver his inaugural address over the radio. Harry Truman was the first to deliver his on television. Bill Clinton was the first to do so over the Internet. Any president today who took the oath of office without laying his hand on a Bible would become an instantaneous political pariah. But apparently that was not always the case. Franklin Pierce declined to use a Bible during his swearing in. Barack Obama used Lincoln’s Bible. Changes in technology have been matched by changes in fashion. Today we take it for granted that the president will wear a suitcoat with matching pants. However, the first five presidents—George Washington, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe—all wore knee britches. John Quincy Adams was the first to wear long pants, so we can consider him a fashionista of a sort. Tradition today calls for a bunch of gala balls on the evening of Inauguration Day. Presidents go from Washington hotel to Washington hotel, dancing briefly and inspiring their supporters. In the good old days, however, festivities were more intimate and boisterous. Andrew Jackson threw a party for his well-wishers at the White House. Things got out of hand, however, in an Animal House kind of way. The White House was saved only when presidential servants carried tubs of ice cream and liquor onto the lawn to lure people out of the mansion. Landing on Mount Rushmore All presidents on Inauguration Day imagine that their presidency will be a great one. In the mind of the American public, Ronald Reagan tops the current list of best presidents, followed by Abraham Lincoln, Bill Clinton, John Kennedy, and George Washington. Professional historians and political scientists scoff at the public’s ranking because it is so obviously biased in favor of recent presidents. The professionals instead typically name George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, and FDR as the three best presidents. Alas, far too many presidents fail to impress either the public or the professionals. The saddest case may be Millard Fillmore. He couldn’t impress even his own father, who said that he belonged at home in Buffalo and not in Washington. The poster child for presidential failure, however, is Herbert Hoover. He was a golden boy before becoming president. Born in West Branch, Iowa to humble origins, he was orphaned at a young age. He eventually became a member of the first class to enter Stanford University, where among other accomplishments he badgered former president Benjamin Harrison to pay the twenty-five cents he owed for admission to a Stanford baseball game. He graduated with a degree in geology, became a mining engineer, lived in Australia and China (where he learned Mandarin Chinese), survived the Boxer Rebellion, and became a wealthy man. During World War I he entered public service and distinguished himself with his management of the European relief effort after the war ended. A young FDR marveled that Hoover “is certainly a wonder, and I wish we could make him President of the United States. There couldn’t be a better one.” The irony of that statement, of course, is that FDR ended up running against and defeating Hoover. FDR won because Hoover presided over the worst economic collapse in American history. The Great Depression may not have been Hoover’s fault, but he got the blame. So what does it take for a president to succeed? One key is to be attuned to public opinion. It is perhaps wise, though, not to be as attuned to public opinion as William McKinley, of whom it was said that he kept his ear so close to the ground that it was full of grasshoppers. A president also needs to know how to work with Congress. That was one skill that escaped Jimmy Carter, even though his fellow Democrats controlled both the House and Senate. “Carter,” said one member of Congress, “couldn’t get the Pledge of Allegiance through Congress.” To succeed, a president needs to know when to compromise. The example to follow here isn’t Woodrow Wilson. He once said “I am sorry for those who disagree with me, because I know they are wrong.” Wilson’s reluctance to compromise led to the demise of his great project, the Treaty of Versailles. Successful presidents must know how to say one thing and do another. Republicans today hail Ronald Reagan as a tax-cutting, deficit-busting, champion of smaller government. His actual record was different. He signed eleven tax increases into law, saw the federal budget deficit balloon during his presidency, and left America with a larger government than the one he inherited from Jimmy Carter. But what people remember matters more than what he did. Presidents must also know how to deal with temperamental Cabinet secretaries. Few have faced a harder time than James Monroe. He once had to use a pair of fireplace tongs to fend off his cane-wielding secretary of the Treasury. Monroe also used his sword once to break up a fight at a White House dinner between visiting French and British ambassadors. All presidents must be prepared to hit some bumps along the road. As a political science professor once told me, the people love you on the way in, they love you on the way out, and they grumble in between. The difference between the highs and lows can be breathtaking, as President George W. Bush discovered. He set the record for both the highest public approval ratings and the lowest. The Men Who Held the Office With public popularity a fleeting thing, Harry Truman may have gotten it right when he laid down the cardinal rule of Washington political life: If you want a friend, get a dog. Most presidents have lived by Truman’s maxim. At least half them had dogs. Their dogs’ names included Sweetlips (Washington), Satan (John Adams), Fido (Lincoln), Grim (Hayes), Veto (Garfield), Stubby (Wilson), Oh Boy (Harding), Fala (FDR), and J. Edgar (LBJ). Some presidents dared to be different when it came to companion animals. Andrew Jackson had a parrot named Pol that he taught to swear as well as fighting cocks. Martin van Buren briefly had two tiger cubs. Benjamin Harrison had opossums named Mr. Reciprocity and Mr. Protection. McKinley had a parrot named Washington Post. Theodore Roosevelt had his own menagerie, including a garter snake named Emily Spinach, a rat named Jonathan, a macaw named Eli Yale, and a badger named Josiah. Calvin Coolidge apparently wanted to start his own zoo. His pets included a donkey, a black bear, a pygmy hippo, a wallaby, lion cubs, an antelope, raccoons, and a bobcat. Everyone knows that John F. Kennedy was the first (and so far only) Roman Catholic president and that Barack Obama is the first African American president. But neither is our tallest president. Abraham Lincoln holds that distinction at 6’ 4”, with Lyndon Baines Johnson just a half inch behind. If you want to win a bet, ask a Republican friend: Who was taller, Ronald Reagan or George H.W. Bush? No, it wasn’t the Gipper. A fair share of our presidents would have strained their necks looking up at Lincoln. James Madison, the father of the Constitution, is our shortest president. He was 5’ 4”. Martin Van Buren and Benjamin Harrison stand just behind him (above him?) at 5’ 6.” James K. Polk was called “the Napoleon of the stump” and “a short man with a long program.” Obama is among our thinnest presidents. The distinction for the heaviest president goes to William Howard Taft, who weighed between 300 and 350 pounds. He was so heavy that the White House had to install a special bathtub to accommodate his girth. Taft was also the last president to sport facial hair, in his case a mustache. Being a former president seems to have done wonders for Taft; he lost 80 pounds the year after he left the White House. The weight loss undoubtedly prolonged Taft’s life. It also allowed him to enjoy his favorite job—Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. He remains the only person ever to have been both president and a Supreme Court justice. TWE’s Favorite Readers who have paid close attention know that I have mentioned every president but one: Gerald Ford. That’s because he, unlike the other forty-two men to be presidents, was elected neither president nor vice president. He was, however, the only president wise enough to attend the University of Michigan, which makes him TWE’s official favorite president. Hail to the Victors! A bibliographic note. Many of the stories in this post come from Paul F. Boller, Jr.’s, wonderful book, Presidential Anecdotes. It is a great read. Among his other equally engaging books are: Presidential Campaigns: From George Washington to George W. Bush and Congressional Anecdotes. I highly recommend all three books.
  • Diplomacy and International Institutions
    Friday File: Mubarak Is Gone, Now Comes the Hard Part
    A family of Egyptian pro-democracy supporters ride on a motorcycle carrying an Egyptian flag after Friday prayers near Tahrir Square in Cairo. (Amr Dalsh/courtesy Reuters) Above the Fold. The TV cameras have left Tahrir Square to follow protests and government crackdowns in Bahrain, Libya, and elsewhere in the Middle East. But Egypt’s story is far from over. Egyptians now must construct a credible and effective successor government. That is a tall task, especially because credibility and effectiveness may be conflicting objectives. Credibility argues for including diverse political interests in the new government. But diverse interests could find it hard to govern effectively, especially when it comes to making tough choices about how to grow the Egyptian economy. The temptation will be to pursue populist policies that give people what they want in the short run but leave them with a steep bill to pay in the long run. The danger will be stalemate and the perpetuation of an economic status quo that many Egyptians find unacceptable. Either outcome would likely derail Egypt’s ability to make the transition from autocracy to democracy. CFR Event of the Week. Twenty years after the Gulf War ended, CFR convened four officials from President George H.W. Bush’s administration to assess their decisions and the outcome of the war: CFR President Richard Haass, who was senior director for Near East and South Asian Affairs on the staff of the National Security Council during the war; David E. Jeremiah, then vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff; Brent Scowcroft, then national security adviser; and Paul D. Wolfowitz, then undersecretary of defense for policy. Rick Atkinson, who covered the Gulf War as a reporter for the Washington Post, moderated the discussion. You can read the transcript, listen to the audio, or watch the video. Read of the Week. The New Yorker’s James Surowiecki makes the case for President Obama’s proposal to increase government investment in education, infrastructure, and new technology even in the face of a ballooning federal budget deficit. The basic idea isn’t far-fetched; it’s what many companies do during a downturn. And the evidence suggests that companies that do invest more in R&D during periods of slow growth do better than those that don’t. The challenge, of course, is to make the right investments. Blog Post of the Week. Ever heard of zugzwang?  Me neither. It refers to a situation in chess where a player would be better off passing her turn because making a move would leave her worse off. Nate Silver uses the concept to think through how the budget brawl between the White House and congressional Republicans might play out. Spoiler Alert! Nate doesn’t see a situation in which the two parties make nice and reach a grand bargain that fixes our fiscal mess. Poll Question of the Week. The American Conservative Union held its annual Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) here in Washington last weekend. The three-day affair concluded with a time-honored ritual—the CPAC presidential straw poll. Ron Paul was the runaway winner, grabbing 30 percent of the votes cast. He was followed in order by Mitt Romney (23 percent), former New Mexico Governor Gary Johnson (6 percent), current New Jersey Governor Chris Christie (6 percent), and Newt Gingrich (5 percent). Michele Bachmann, Tim Pawlenty, Mitch Daniels, Sarah Palin, Mike Huckabee, Herman Cain, Rick Santorum, John Thune, Jon Huntsman, and Haley Barbour all failed to break the 5 percent mark. Congressman Paul probably shouldn’t start writing his nomination acceptance speech, though. The top four vote getters in CPAC’s presidential straw poll four years ago were Mitt Romney, Rudy Guiliani, Sam Brownback, and New Gingrich. Chart of the Week. Gallup asked Americans to rate a group of countries in terms of whether they are “vitally important, important but not vital, not too important, or not at all important” to the United States. Not surprisingly, China topped the list, followed by North Korea and Iran. Israel’s fourth place finish reveals a lot about U.S. support for Israel—a large swath of the American public values the U.S.-Israeli relationship. Afghanistan’s sixth place finish suggests one reason why it has not become a divisive political issue even though most Americans think our current policy is misguided. Canadians, who often fret that we ignore them, will be happy to know that more than a third of Americans think Canada is vitally important to the United States. Source: Gallup. Too Good Not to Note. Liz Economy discusses how water scarcity could crimp China’s future. Nate Silver surveys the potential 2012 Republican presidential field and concludes that in historical perspective it looks like a weak group. CNN’s Elise Labott asks whether Secretary of State Hillary Clinton can remake U.S. foreign policy. Geneive Abdo looks at how the United States might help Iranians follow the Egyptians and throw out an unpopular regime. Walter Russell Mead waxes eloquently on Thucydides’s lessons for America today. Perils of Prediction. The Coming War with Japan. A 1991 book by George Friedman and Meredith Lebard that predicted that Japan would use the end of the Cold War to reassert its influence in the Pacific. To point out the obvious, it’s twenty years later and the United States and Japan have yet to go to war. Quote to Ponder. “Working hard beats great talent when great talent fails to work hard.” Unknown. A Reason to Smile. Spring training.
  • The World Next Week: Egypt Fever Continues to Spread in the Middle East
    Government backers hurl rocks at anti-government protesters during clashes in Sanaa February 17, 2011. (Ammar Awad/courtesy Reuters) The podcast for The World Next Week is up. Bob McMahon and I discussed the continued protests and unrest across the Middle East; Secretary of State Clinton’s selection of a new special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan; and the 2012 GOP Presidential nomination contest. [audio: http://www.cfr.org/content/publications/media/podcast/2011/20110217_TWNW.mp3] The highlights: Political unrest has spread beyond Tunisia and Egypt to other countries in the Middle East, creating opportunities for the White House but dangers as well. Ambassador Marc Grossman will have his hands full as the new special envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan, particularly in light of the curious Raymond Allen Davis affair. GOP presidential hopefuls continue to sit on the sidelines as rank-and-file Republicans wonder whether any of their potential candidates have what it takes to defeat Barack Obama. Bob and I aren’t the only commentators getting a head start on next week’s news. Read about Egypt after Mubarak at the Economist, and learn more about the protests in Yemen and Bahrain from Al Jazeera. The Washington Post provides background on the new Special Representative to Afghanistan and Pakistan, Marc Grossman, and Bruce Riedel at the Daily Beast warns that Grossman has inherited "the worst job in the world." For the latest in campaign 2012 gossip, see Five-Thirty-Eight’s piece on GOP concerns about the quality of their presidential hopefuls, and Slate’s coverage of the Conservative Political Action Convention.