- Mercosur is an economic and political bloc consisting of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay. Venezuela was suspended indefinitely in 2016.
- Founded in 1991 to create a common market, spur development, and bolster democracy, Mercosur saw early successes, including a tenfold increase in trade within the bloc in its first decade.
- Mercosur has signed trade deals with several countries, but bigger deals, including with the European Union and the United States, remain elusive, and the COVID-19 crisis has battered the bloc’s economies.
Mercosur, or the Southern Common Market, is an economic and political bloc originally comprising Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay. Created during a period when longtime rivals Argentina and Brazil were seeking to improve relations, the bloc saw some early successes, including a tenfold increase in trade within the group in the 1990s.
In recent years, however, Mercosur has struggled to open to other markets. The implementation of a landmark draft trade deal it signed with the European Union (EU) in 2019 has been stalled over environmental concerns and European opposition. At the same time, China’s influence in Latin America continues to grow. Some experts have also questioned the bloc’s commitment to democracy. Additionally, it faces challenges including the COVID-19 pandemic, increasing fragmentation among member countries, and unstable trade relations with the United States.
Which countries are in Mercosur?
Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay—Mercosur’s founding countries—are full members. Venezuela joined as a full member in 2012, but it was suspended indefinitely in late 2016 for failing to comply with the bloc’s democratic principles.
In 2020, the founding countries had a combined gross domestic product (GDP) of roughly $1.9 trillion, according to World Bank data, making Mercosur one of the world’s largest economic blocs. In comparison, Latin America’s second-largest trade group, the Pacific Alliance, had a combined GDP of about $1.8 trillion. The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic inflicted considerable economic damage on the bloc: That same year, Brazil’s economy shrank about 4 percent; likewise, Argentina’s economy contracted nearly 10 percent, and the country remains embroiled in a recession.
Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru, and Suriname are associate members of Mercosur. They receive tariff reductions when trading with the full members but do not enjoy full voting rights or free access to their markets. Bolivia was invited to join as a full member in 2012, but its accession has not yet received authorization from Brazil’s Congress.
Why was Mercosur created?
Mercosur was created in 1991 when Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay signed the Treaty of Asuncion [PDF], an accord calling for the “free movement of goods, services, and factors of production between countries.” The four countries agreed to eliminate customs duties, implement a common external tariff of 35 percent on certain imports from outside the bloc, and adopt a common trade policy toward outside countries and blocs. The charter members hoped to form a common market similar to that of the EU to increase business and investment opportunities for regional industries and encourage local development. The bloc has even considered introducing a common currency.
“Mercosur had grand ambitions,” says CFR’s Shannon K. O’Neil. “It was going to be a customs union with a political side.” The Mercosur stamp is emblazoned on member countries’ passports, and license plates display the Mercosur symbol. Residents of the bloc are authorized to live and work anywhere within it. In 1994, the group signed the Protocol of Ouro Preto, formalizing its status as a customs union.
Mercosur was created in large part to cement a rapprochement between Argentina and Brazil, whose relationship had long been defined by rivalry. Together, the two countries account for nearly 90 percent of the bloc’s GDP and 95 percent of its population. Some critics say Argentina and Brazil wanted Mercosur simply as a trade shield. The bloc often “is less about opening up but actually about protecting Brazilian and Argentine industries from global competition,” says Oliver Stuenkel, an associate professor at the Getulio Vargas Foundation in Sao Paulo.
How does Mercosur work?
The bloc’s highest decision-making body, the Common Market Council, provides a high-level forum for coordinating foreign and economic policy. The group consists of the foreign and economy ministers of each member state, or their equivalent, and decisions are made by consensus. The group’s presidency rotates every six months among its full members, following alphabetical order. Other bodies include the Common Market Group, which coordinates macroeconomic policies; a trade commission; a parliament, known as Parlasur, which serves an advisory role; and the Structural Convergence Fund (FOCEM), which coordinates regional infrastructure projects.
FOCEM projects, such as building highways and bridges and developing waterways, are funded by member-country contributions [PDF] determined by a formula that accounts for each country’s GDP. Brazil, with a GDP of $1.4 trillion, contributes 60 percent, Argentina 30 percent, and Paraguay and Uruguay 5 percent each. More than $1 billion in nonrefundable loans has been disbursed since the fund was created in 2004.
Has Mercosur spurred economic development?
Internal trade has grown rapidly, jumping from $4 billion in 1990 to more than $41 billion by 2010. In October 2021, Argentina and Brazil agreed to a 10 percent reduction in the bloc’s tariff to help bolster further economic growth among member countries.
However, trade relations with the rest of the world have been uneven. In its first decade, Mercosur inked economic cooperation agreements with Bolivia, Chile, Israel, and Peru, and in 2004, it signed a preferential trade agreement with India. But bigger deals have proved elusive. While its most recent free trade agreement (FTA), with Egypt, took effect in 2017, negotiations with Canada and South Korea remain underway, and a deal with the EU has hit roadblocks.
There are currently no trade deals between the United States and any Mercosur countries or the bloc itself, and relations have at times been strained. In 1994, U.S. President Bill Clinton proposed the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), which would have eliminated or reduced trade barriers among the countries in the Western Hemisphere, excluding Cuba. The FTAA was to be completed by 2005, but by 2004, negotiations had stalled as several Latin American nations, including Mercosur members Argentina and Brazil, opposed the deal [PDF], and it was never finalized. In 2019, U.S. President Donald Trump imposed steel and aluminum tariffs on Argentina and Brazil, though he signed a limited trade deal with Brazil the following year. Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro later expressed a desire for a broad FTA with the United States following U.S. President Joe Biden’s inauguration.
Mercosur reached a comprehensive trade deal with the EU in 2019 after twenty years of on-and-off negotiations. The deal would eliminate tariffs on roughly 90 percent of Mercosur’s exports to the EU and allow companies in both blocs to bid for government contracts. But its ratification has been thrown into doubt by opposition from several EU members, who fear that wood exported from Brazil to the EU could be a result of illegal logging in the Amazon Rainforest. They've called for the Bolsonaro government to commit to curbing deforestation in the Amazon before the deal’s planned ratification in 2022. European farmers are also decrying the deal, as they predict an influx of cheap Argentinian and Brazilian beef exports that would hurt their profits.
Within the bloc, regional integration began to slow following Brazil’s currency devaluation in 1999 and Argentina’s financial crisis in 2001, and since then, trade disputes and other tensions have flared between the two countries. Recent efforts by Uruguay to establish an FTA with China have also been a source of tension between bloc members. While Brazil supports pursuing an FTA with China, Argentina has publicly opposed it, citing concerns that a trade deal could lead to an influx of cheap Chinese imports to the region.
Has Mercosur promoted democracy?
One of Mercosur’s early aims was to cement the region’s return to democracy, since all of its founding members had emerged from dictatorships in the 1980s. In 1998, the group signed the Ushuaia Protocol on Democratic Commitment [PDF], stating that “the full force of democratic institutions is essential” to the integration of Mercosur states and that a “rupture in democratic order” would be cause for a member’s suspension.
Mercosur members invoked the protocol for the first time in 2012 to suspend Paraguay, claiming that President Fernando Lugo had been unfairly removed from power after his domestic opponents accused him of mishandling a deadly clash between farmers and law enforcement. Some experts say Paraguay’s suspension, which was lifted in 2013, was politically motivated, since Brazil’s then left-wing government was seeking Venezuela’s admission to the bloc and Paraguay’s new, center-right government opposed it.
Why was Venezuela suspended?
Venezuela joined the bloc in 2012, with Brazil arguing that including the oil-rich country would make Mercosur a “global energy power.” But falling oil prices, economic mismanagement, and an increasingly authoritarian government have pushed Venezuela into an economic, political, and humanitarian crisis. As a result, more than five million Venezuelans have fled to neighboring countries since 2014.
Mercosur suspended Venezuela in late 2016, citing violations of human rights and the bloc’s trade rules by President Nicolas Maduro’s government. In August 2017, the group made Venezuela’s suspension indefinite (there are no provisions for permanent expulsion). And in 2019, Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay called on Maduro to cede power to the Venezuelan opposition.
“A reformist desire to deepen trade within the bloc, as well as genuine horror at Venezuela’s descent into an economically dysfunctional dictatorship, has helped galvanize the four original members’ willingness to slowly inch Venezuela out of the bloc,” says American University’s Matthew M. Taylor, an expert on Latin America’s political economy.
What other challenges is Mercosur facing?
In recent years, Mercosur countries have experienced political and economic turmoil. Corruption probes launched in Brazil in 2014 have spread, implicating hundreds of the region’s political and business elites. At the same time, falling commodity prices and what critics describe as economic mismanagement have contributed to recessions in the region. In 2020, Latin America’s GDP fell by 7 percent, the worst of any region in the world.
Meanwhile, Mercosur faces internal divisions. Bolsonaro has expressed a desire to “modernize” the bloc, including by allowing for bilateral deals with third-party countries, which Argentine President Alberto Fernandez has opposed. Further, Argentina has said it will not participate in any future trade deals with Mercosur, though the bloc is continuing to pursue FTAs with Canada and South Korea, among others. Experts say the bloc’s protectionist policies [PDF] and reluctance toward creating value-added supply chains or regional production hubs further stifle integration.
Managing the trade relationship with a rising China will also continue to test the bloc’s unity. While there is no FTA between China and Mercosur, China has said it intends to increase bilateral trade with South America by $500 billion by 2025. Additionally, Uruguay is a participant in China’s Belt and Road Initiative, the world’s largest infrastructure program, and talks of Argentina joining remain underway.
Adding to the bloc’s challenges is the COVID-19 pandemic, which has brought further economic hardship to Mercosur countries as they struggle to implement a joint response. The pandemic has triggered the largest recession the countries have seen since 1930 and has sharply increased poverty rates and inequality [PDF]. In early 2020, Mercosur allocated $16 million through FOCEM to a project aimed at improving the bloc’s COVID-19 testing capacity. But disagreement among members about the severity of the pandemic has hindered further cooperation, including the sharing of information and medical equipment. Bolsonaro, for instance, has faced criticism for not taking action to decrease the staggering number of COVID-19 cases in Brazil and for playing down the threat of the virus after Brazil became an epicenter of the pandemic.
Experts agree, however, that Mercosur’s future will hinge on decisions made in Buenos Aires and Brasilia. “Brazil and Argentina are two of each other’s most important trading partners. But both countries—especially because they’re going through a difficult economic time—would benefit from opening their markets more generally,” says O’Neil. “The challenge is whether they can do it together.”
Will Merrow created the graphics for this article.
At this Atlantic Council event, Mercosur foreign ministers examine how the bloc can rebuild from the COVID-19 pandemic and deepen international investment.
This graphic by Geopolitical Futures shows changes in the bloc’s trading partners during the last three decades.
Harvard University’s Steven Levitsky looks at the health of democracy in Latin American countries on The President’s Inbox podcast.
The Institute for Sustainable Development and International Relations unpacks the EU-Mercosur agreement.
CFR Senior Fellow Shannon K. O’Neil discusses Argentina-Brazil trade relations in Foreign Affairs.
Claire Felter, Danielle Renwick, Andrew Chatzky, Anshu Siripurapu, Diana Roy, and Rocio Cara Labrador contributed to this report.