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  • Climate Change
    Reporting on Climate Change
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    Susan Joy Hassol, director at Climate Communication, shares her work on climate science communication and provide tips for how local journalists can cover climate change in their communities. Carla Anne Robbins, adjunct senior fellow at CFR and former deputy editorial page editor at the New York Times, hosts the webinar. Susan J. Hassol and Parag Khanna, “America’s Next Great Migrations Are Driven by Climate Change,” Scientific American, October 2021.  “Climate Reporting MasterClass,” Interactive, Climate Matters in the Newsroom.  OCI Team, “Banking on Climate Chaos 2021: Fossil Fuel Finance Report,” Oil Exchange International, March 2021.  “Climate Communication/SciLine Quick Facts,” Interactive, SciLine, American Association for the Advancement of Science.  Tom Bartelme, A Surgeon in the Village, Beacon Press, March 2017.  Meera Subramanian, A River Runs Again: India's Natural World in Crisis from the Barren Cliffs of Rajasthan to the Farmlands of Karnataka, PublicAffairs, August 2015.  Banktrack  Climate Communication  Drawdown Georgia   Energy and Innovation  Project Drawdown  RMI  CASA: Good afternoon, and welcome to the Council on Foreign Relations Local Journalists Webinar Series. I’m Maria Casa, director of the National Program and Outreach Department here at CFR. As you may know, CFR is an independent nonpartisan organization and think tank focusing on U.S. foreign policy. This webinar is part of CFR’s Local Journalists Initiative created to help you draw connections between the local issues you cover and national and international dynamics. Our programming puts you in touch with CFR resources and expertise on international issues and provides a forum for sharing best practices. Thank you all for taking the time to join the discussion today. I want to remind everyone that this webinar is on the record, and the video and transcript will be posted on our website after the fact at CFR.org/localjournalists. Today, we will discuss “Reporting on Climate Change” with our speaker, Susan Joy Hassol, and host, Carla Anne Robbins. We’ve shared their bios with you so I’ll just give you highlights on their distinguished backgrounds. Susan Joy Hassol is director of Climate Communication, a nonprofit science and outreach project of the Aspen Global Change Institute. She was a contributing author of the sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the senior science report writer for the National Climate Assessments published in 2000, 2009, and 2014. Ms. Hassol was also a training lead for the National Science Foundation-sponsored project “Climate Matters in the Newsroom,” which provides training and localized climate reporting resources to journalists. Carla Anne Robbins is an adjunct senior fellow at CFR. She is faculty director of the Master of International Affairs Program and clinical professor of national security studies at Baruch College’s Marxe School of Public and International Affairs. Previously, she was deputy editorial page editor at the New York Times and chief diplomatic correspondent at the Wall Street Journal. Welcome, Susan. Thank you very much for being with us today. Carla, I’ll turn it over to you now to start the conversation and then we’ll open up to the group for questions. ROBBINS: Thank you so much, Maria, and thank you so much to everybody at CFR for making this happen, as usual, and thank you so much, Susan, for joining us. And thank you to all of the reporters and producers and everyone else who is on with us today. We really appreciate what everybody is doing in journalism. We know it’s not an easy time, particularly in the local news business. So the way we’re going to do this Susan and I are going to chat for about fifteen or twenty minutes, and then we’re going to turn it over to you all for questions and comments, and we know you will have lots of them. And if things occur to you while we’re chatting, please just throw them up into the Q&A also. This is very informal. And the real thing here is we really want, you know, substance and—as well as technique. You know, Susan is a great, great source about how to do the business of this, about how to cover, you know, complicated technical things in an accessible way, and which is just a wonderful thing. So we are here to help both in framing stories and how to get to the bottom of them. So, Susan, thanks so much for doing this. This is a great opportunity to talk about coverage and all the resources that are out there, including the ones that you yourself have developed. But before we dive into that, you know, can you give us a quick update—and this is—I’m going to be selfish and I’m going to ask you what I want to know. Quickly, what happened in Glasgow so far and what should we be looking for in the coming days? Because, you know, I must admit, I am right now—I mean, I’m a pretty smart person and I read the papers really closely, and I can’t tell whether I should be cautiously upbeat about what’s going on or filled with my usual climate despair. HASSOL: I guess I’d have to say both. So let me just set the scene for you. Holding a giant international climate conference during a pandemic is not easy and it’s more than a bit chaotic. It’s a bit like a three-ring circus over there. Nearly forty thousand people are registered for a venue that has a maximum capacity of ten thousand because of COVID restrictions. All the hotels in Glasgow were booked way in advance. You have diplomats sleeping on people’s couches. You have other people staying a half an hour away and commuting in in the morning, and then you have these giant lines with everybody. So it’s kind of crazy. But let me give you a few takeaways for me from the first week so far or less, just the first few days of the COP. Number one, methane is the new black. (Laughter.) They got more than one hundred countries to pledge to cut methane emissions by 30 percent by 2030. So it began as a few countries—the U.S. and the EU—and they picked up more than a hundred countries. This is important because methane, while there’s much less of it in the atmosphere than there is of CO2 and it has a much shorter lifetime than CO2—carbon dioxide—methane only lasts about a decade—it’s 80 percent more heat trapping than carbon dioxide over a twenty-year period. So methane is really important. It comes from every aspect of the fossil fuel industry. It comes from coal mines and it leaks from pipelines, and it comes from wells and all of this, right? So it also comes from agriculture. It comes from the burping of cows and from landfills and from rice cultivation. The good thing about cutting methane is that we can get almost—we get immediate health benefits and almost immediate climate benefits because of its short atmospheric lifetime. So it’s really important. It’s only about 16 percent of greenhouse gases but it accounts for a much larger part of the near-term warming. So like I said, I get excited about these things. That’s only one of the things I want to mention. Protecting forests is another thing. So a hundred countries, including countries like Brazil, which is very important because of the Amazon, and Russia and China, altogether encompassing about 85 percent of the world’s forests, have pledged to end deforestation by 2030 and work to restore forests and natural ecosystems. So this is important and it’s good news. But—here comes the skeptical side—this kind of thing has been pledged before, and it was pledged in Paris in 2015, and, in fact, what’s really happened is that deforestation has accelerated since then. So they’re hoping to bring economics to bear. They’re hoping to make it actually, you know, better economically, make forests worth more alive than dead. But the amount that’s committed in Glasgow to this is still just a fraction of the spending on fossil fuels. So we know we have a problem and—yeah. Another thing I thought was interesting was something called the CleanTech Breakthrough Alliance, and this is more than forty countries representing about two-thirds of the world’s economy, including the U.S., the U.K., India, China. They said they would coordinate on the global introduction of clean technologies, and the first five of those—clean electricity, electric vehicles, green steel, hydrogen, and sustainable farming—and what they’re trying to do is speed the tipping point at which green technology is more affordable than dirty fossil fuel technology. So this is really important. Already in the area of clean electricity we see this as a reality. Solar and wind are the cheapest forms of new energy right now, even cheaper than any of the fossil fuels. Fourth, there were some new and stronger pledges for 2030 targets made by India and China, and for the first time that brings the projected global warming below two degrees Celsius for the first time, if the pledges are all met. So this is a whole another story because, you know, pledges are not policies, and if there aren’t policies put into place to implement the pledges then the pledges aren’t going to be met. But and, of course, 2 C we know is actually not a safe level at all. We’re already not at a safe level at 1.2 Celsius and, you know, the goal of 1.5 (Celsius) is not even in sight with the current pledges. The other thing that may be interesting is that ending coal is maybe going to be the next target. So eighteen countries are pledging now to phase out coal and stop building new coal plants, and that’s important. But some of the biggest users of coal—China, India, Russia, Australia—are going to keep fighting from having any phase-out of coal enshrined in what comes out of this COP. So, of course, we have good news that the U.S. has rejoined the High Ambition Coalition after withdrawing from Paris under the last administration. There’s some good things happening on finance. There’s a goal to give the developing countries $100 billion a year to develop in a cleaner way and also to adapt to the impacts of climate change. Again, this was something that was pledged five years ago and hasn’t happened. But on we go. Now, you also asked me about what to watch for. I would say what to watch for is mind the gap, and what I mean by that, if any of you have ever travelled in the U.K. you know that they say mind the gap when you’re getting from a subway train onto the platform, or vice versa, that little space between the cars. The conductor always says mind the gap. Well, so I’m going to tell you, there are a couple of gaps you should be looking for. One is an ambition gap. I already mentioned the countries have not even pledged yet to bring their emissions down to the point where we would not exceed the 1.5 degrees Celsius target. So there’s an ambition gap. Two, there’s an implementation gap. They’ve made all these pledges but they don’t have the policies in place to implement them, and the United States is a great example of that. President Biden is making pledges on behalf of the U.S., but we’re trying to get a bill through Congress right now that is held up, and if that bill doesn’t go through and we don’t get all those policies we’re going to have an implementation gap and so is the rest of the world. And number three is the production gap. This is really interesting. So there’s nothing yet in the Paris Agreement or any of the things that we’re seeing going on at the COP that phases out fossil fuels, and so if we’re continuing to develop new fossil fuel resources, in fact, by 2030 the world is on track to produce twice the amount of fossil fuels that will be consistent with a 1.5-degree target. So we have a big production gap, and the UN Environment Program and the Stockholm Environment Institute recently put out the 2021 Production Gap Report, and we’ll get you the link to that. It’s a really important report. So I would say mind those three gaps, and I probably have been talking for too long so I’m going to take a breath and let you ask me another question. ROBBINS: So I am, you know, a—you know, I am a national reporter, I admit. But I think I’ve been doing this long enough and talking to local reporters long enough to begin to see some really potentially cool local stories in this. But you’ve been working with local reporters. I want to go in to my editor right now and my editor is going to say to me, listen, you know, I already get the—you know, I’m getting the news wire. You know, I get the AP. I pay for that. Or I get the New York Times news wire or whatever. They’ve got reporters in Glasgow. What can I possibly write right now out of Glasgow that will make this accessible to my local readers for them to pay attention to this? Are there any, you know, local ways of approaching this so that people can—this is like a massive gathering of people and pretty important. Is there any way to make what’s going on right now relevant to people? HASSOL: Oh, absolutely. You know, there are some reporters who are so good at this, who are so great at making the local connection to these global-scale things. One of my favorites is an award-winning journalist named Tony Bartelme. He works at the Charleston Post and Courier, and he’s amazing at telling big important stories through the lens of his local community. So a great example, he did a story called “Chasing Carbon,” and, you know, we know carbon is an invisible gas, right, and we know that it’s coming from everywhere, that—in where we all live, right. So how do you make the invisible visible? Tony found a company that has an infrared camera that can see carbon dioxide, this invisible gas. He got them to ship it to him and he took it around Charleston and he pointed it at everything. He pointed it at vehicles. He pointed it at power plants. He pointed it at buildings. And it was really remarkable because you could actually see the small amount of carbon dioxide coming out of a Prius, and then he pointed it at a big SUV and you saw the big amount of carbon dioxide coming out of the SUV. So he was taking this global story and he was making it really local. He also did a story called “Every Other Breath,” and it was like a mystery story about plankton, and it turns out that what the every other breath refers to is that plankton provide half of the oxygen that we breathe. So they also play a role in climate change. And so he tells these stories about climate science, essentially, but in a way that makes them very, very local. One he did that was amazing recently—and I actually connected him with a scientist in the Arctic that I know—he went to Greenland. He went to the Greenland ice sheet with a scientist from NASA who studies it, and he helped people in Charleston, South Carolina, understand what’s happening on the Greenland ice sheet and why it matters to Charleston—how it affects sea level rise, how gravity changes when the ice on Greenland melts to make the sea level rise worse along the southeast U.S. coast than other parts of the world. So I did a lot of work in the Arctic. I was the writer of the “Arctic Climate Impact Assessment.” So I spent about four years working with hundreds of scientists in the Arctic. And I coined a phrase at that time, which is that the Arctic is nothing like Las Vegas. What happens in the Arctic does not stay in the Arctic. It affects the rest of the world. Tony is one of the reporters who is excellent at taking these big global issues and getting them down to the level of his local community and how it matters. Mira Subramanian is another great reporter. She did a piece—a series for Inside Climate News called “Finding Middle Ground,” and I suggest that as a way of thinking about sort of the politics of climate change and how people deal with that, even within families. So another thing that I would mention to you is not to forget about focusing on responses, so how is your region responding to climate change. So I was just talking about the forests and preserving the world’s forests. Well, what about preserving forests here in the United States? What about fossil fuel production here in the United States in the Permian Basin, you know, and all of the kind of things that we know about that are going on in our own states, in our own communities? You can talk about those responses, how they’re affecting what’s going on where you live. Something with solar. Is there a lot of wind? Is there push back against those responses? And talking about solutions is not advocacy and it’s not cheerleading. You should look at responses and solutions with the same skeptical and critical eye that you look at anything that you report on. But those are the kind of things that I think people would like to know about. You know, there’s Project Drawdown that looks at the global solutions, but Georgia Drawdown is looking at the solutions in the state of Georgia. And so you can find out. You can look into what are the solutions that matter, the responses that make a difference where you are and how are people implementing those. ROBBINS: So that’s—I mean, I think—I mean, that’s fabulous, and those stories all—and we put up the links into chat, and thank you for that—those stories seem to make, you know, making it local in a way that—you know, for the longest time people said that, yeah, they sort of got that climate change was a problem but because they didn’t see it and because it wasn’t immediate, it just wasn’t salient. And that’s—you know, we get enough local problems right now to not think about something that’s going to hit us ten, twenty, thirty years down the road. That said, and I think extreme weather in its own right has—you know, has made—brought that home and now that scientists can say definitely there’s a relationship between extreme weather and climate it makes it easier for us as reporters to write about. I’m a policy freak. OK. I worked most of my career in Washington. Is anybody doing any work—is there a way for us as reporters to be able to look at the sort of commitments that President Biden is making and say, what does this mean for my community? I mean, take something like green steel. What does it mean if I live in a town that makes steel? Does this mean that, you know, they’re going to shut the plant down or that, you know, that some other state does better, potentially, in green steel so that’s the end of—you know, that’s the end of my plant? I mean, are there people who are slicing and dicing these commitments and translating them into local dollars and cents, local job implications? HASSOL: I think that’s probably just getting started now, and we can find some resources for you on that. But, you know, a lot of these things are really new ideas and so but there are organizations like the Rocky Mountain Institute—RMI—and Energy Innovation that do look at these things and look at the implications for jobs and for local economies. You know, I think it turns out that, you know, if you’re in a steel-producing region, green steel could be a really good thing because it’s going to be a way that we can keep doing this without destroying the climate. So, you know, the idea here is not that we’re going to shut down our economies, that we’re going to change our economy. We’re going to change it to one that can do the same things without using fossil fuels. So we don’t want fossil fuels. What we want is mobility. What we want is cold beer and hot showers. If we can get those things using solar and wind and battery storage and geothermal, then we’re good. And so, in fact, if you’re in a state like West Virginia, for example, a very prominent state these days for obvious reasons—Senator Manchin—the coal industry is going out and they’re going out not only because of climate change, but because it’s not economical anymore and because there are other problems with mining coal, and because miners get black lung disease. I mean, there’s a lot of reasons to phase out fossil fuels. But there are new ways for people in West Virginia to make a living, and so the—what Biden is putting forward with the Build Back Better Act includes retraining, includes new ideas to help local economies with clean energy. And, you know, also those mines, they need to be reclaimed. Those wells from oil and gas, they leak methane, and part of this methane pledge is to stop those leaks, to plug those leaks. There are jobs involved in plugging those leaks. The same people who drilled the wells can be involved in plugging leaks. You know, this is the same thing as oil companies don’t have to see themselves as oil companies. They can see themselves as energy companies and they can put the expertise that they have in geology, for example, to work on geothermal energy and those who did the offshore oil can now be doing offshore wind. So many of the same kinds of skills and employee base can be put to work for things that are not going to destroy our future. ROBBINS: Great. So I want to talk just a little bit about the resources you’ve helped develop. But I’ve now been—we’ve now been talking for twenty-two minutes and we have a limited amount of time here. So please, you know, raise your hands. Put questions in the Q&A for us. You know, you guys have a lot more—many more questions, I’m sure, than I do and much more expertise on this than I do. So please do not hold back. So while you’re thinking about your questions, don’t think for too long. Please throw them up. So you’ve developed a whole bunch of them. I was looking at some of them this morning. There’s this Climate Reporting Master Class. Can you talk a little bit about that? HASSOL: Sure. ROBBINS: And we’ll put the links into the chat so everybody can see about this. HASSOL: Sure. So one of the things we’ve been doing with our “Climate Matters in the Newsroom” program is we’ve been—we were having in-person workshops. Well, then COVID happened and we said, oh, my gosh, we can’t get twenty-five journalists in the room with experts anymore to do a workshop for two days. What are we going to do? We decided to do the Climate Reporting Master Class, and through generous funding from a foundation, the One Earth Fund, we were able to do this at no cost to journalists. So everyone is free to come and take the Climate Reporting Master Class. You’d take it mainly on your own time. So there are videos that we’ve recorded by experts in every aspect of climate science and solutions, and you can hear from all those experts in very short videos, like, three- to five-minute videos, and there are also lots of other resources there for you. So it’s a great opportunity. We also do monthly live events. We’re on a little break from those right now but we’ll get started again. And when I say live, I don’t mean in person. I mean, live virtual events like this where you can come listen to an expert and ask your own questions. So that’s a great resource and we’ll put that in the chat for you. Another resource—you know, you mentioned extreme weather and I think this is really important because extreme weather is the way most people experience climate change. We don’t experience the slow—you know, the gradual increase in average temperature. We experience climate change because it’s affecting extreme weather. It’s making the heat waves more frequent and much hotter. It’s making the heavy rain heavier and it’s making the droughts longer and deeper. We’re seeing worse wildfire seasons burning more acreage, all of that. The hurricanes are stronger. The sea level is higher and the storm surge is higher. So what we did was we developed a set of quick facts for any story specifically for journalists to help you connect the dots between particular extreme weather events and climate change. So if you’re in the Pacific Northwest and one of—and that horrific heat wave happens that doesn’t just break a temperature record by a tenth of a degree like they usually do but breaks it by ten degrees, I mean, that was just completely insane, right. That town, Lytton, in Canada that broke the record—heat record by ten degrees and the next day it burned to the ground—I mean, this stuff is really—it’s mind boggling. What we did was we took all of the scientific literature on the connections between heat waves and climate change and we put it in a fact sheet for journalists in plain language with all the resources, also connecting you to experts that you can interview on this subject and pitfalls to avoid. So it’s a really great resource, and we did it on a whole bunch of things related to extreme weather and climate change. There are nine of these and the links in the chat, you should bookmark that link because it’s just a great go-to resource and we’re going to be keeping them up to date. So— ROBBINS: Yeah, I saw you had one on environmental justice— HASSOL: We do. ROBBINS: —and one on agriculture as well as extreme weather, and one of the things I really loved—and I was showing this to my husband, who, after covering politics for years covered science at the Washington Post and I saw that you have an I need an—there’s an “I need an expert” button there, which I—I think this is the AAAS that does this, and I love the idea that you can click on a button and tell them what you need and tell them your deadline, and if you’re looking at a particular report whether it’s embargoed and all. I love the idea of hot and cold running experts. It would be—it really—(laughs). So can you ask for someone who actually can leak me—like, you know, someone who can leak me information, too, while you’re at it? But I felt that was a very, very cool thing because there are people here who can, you know, help you translate that and I think the accessibility of that is—I thought was a very, very cool thing. Come on, you guys. You guys are being very quiet today. HASSOL: I want to mention something about that resource. So the part of the AAAS—that’s the American Association Advancement of Science—is called sci-line and it’s like sci-line like byline, but science. So it’s everything to do with science, not only climate change but COVID or anything related to science. ROBBINS: Vaccines? Yes? HASSOL: Yes, and it was started by Rick Weiss, who is a long-term Washington Post reporter. You probably know him. ROBBINS: I worked with Rick Weiss. HASSOL: All right. So because he knows what you know, that sometimes you just need an expert and you don’t have one. They have put together a database of all kinds of scientific experts on every subject. And, right, you just let them know what you need and what your deadline is. They will get back to you right away. And the neat thing is they have really vetted these experts not only for people who are really top in their field and credible but also for people who know how to talk plain language and can speak to a reporter and give you quotes you can use instead of just rattling on in a way that you go, wow, is he smart—what did he say? So I think what they’re doing with that is really great and it comes from—as I say, from a reporter who knows what reporters need. ROBBINS: So I have a question, and this may sound—I don’t know how to say this—you say that this is an advocacy, and it’s not because, you know, climate is like—climate change is like evolution. There’s, like, not another side of this. At the same time—oh, we have questions. Yay. OK. I will pose that question later. Maybe not. Rory Linnane—or is it—(changes pronunciation)—Linnane? Rory, do you want to ask your question and can you identify with whom you work? Because I don’t have that list immediately in front of me. Q: Hi. Yeah, I’m a(n) education reporter at the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. So, hopefully, this isn’t too far afield from what the subject is supposed to be. But I was wondering if you could talk at all about what school districts should be doing for climate resiliency, so both in terms of their own climate impact but also just with climate change coming, you know, what they should be thinking about in terms of, like, supply chains for their meals, which is something that’s a problem now. Not necessarily from climate change, but, you know, what should school districts be thinking about and investing in now in anticipation of climate for their climate change? ROBBINS: Thanks. Good question. HASSOL: Interesting question. ROBBINS: An adaptation question. Yes. HASSOL: Yeah. So there’s things that need to be done at the level of small towns, at the level of school districts. There’s also a lot of teaching around climate change that needs to be done at the level of school districts. So a resource for that is the CLEAN Network, all caps, C-L-E-A-N—it’s actually Climate Literacy Education Network—and they have lots of great resources that you can use in the classroom to teach about climate change. Now, the other piece of this—and there’s also the National Council on Science Education, I think, NCSE. And they also do a lot of work around this. So one of the problems some school districts have is that because of where they’re located some people don’t want them teaching about climate change in the classroom, because they see it as a partisan issue. Which is very unfortunate because, as you say, there’s not two sides to this. But in terms of what school districts can be doing, I think everybody really needs to be looking at are we—we’re not even really adapted to the climate that we have, you know? (Laughs.) You know, we don’t even really do a very good job of dealing with the kinds of disasters that are happening here and now. And so we have to think—we can see how those things are changing. So we know we’re going to have to deal with heavier downpours, and flooding, especially in river floodplains and near coastal zones. Some of these things we know what to do, right? You put in bigger culverts, for example, and you deal with the storm water systems, right? So there are some things that are engineering problems. Another thing a school district could be looking at is something like putting solar power on the roof of a school. That’s something that’s going on with schools, with churches. And, you know, that’s something that you work within a local government to think about. Another big thing is heat, right? So we’re seeing more extreme heat. And we’re seeing it everywhere, and some places worse than others. Not every place is air conditioned, because they haven’t had to be in the past. So you want to be looking at things like that. Now, of course, the problem with air conditioning is that it uses electricity, and if we’re getting that electricity from fossil fuels, we get one of those vicious cycles going. There are other things you can do to cool buildings. You can paint the roofs white. You can do some other things with windows, with shading. So this is a whole new arena right now of resilience. And there are whole networks. There are, for example, the Department of Interior has these regional climate science centers that are actually called Climate Science Adaptation Centers. And so find the one in your region and you can find all kinds of stuff about resilience from them. So I would suggest that as a good resource. Another good resource for you are the state climatologists. Every state has its own climatologist. And they have an office and they can help you with these kinds of things. So these tend to be very locally specific, and so that’s why I’m trying to give you these sort of more state, local and regionally specific resources. But they should be able to help with those kind of questions. ROBBINS: Are there people who, you know, work on—beyond those government resources—are there people who are developing, like, best practices for adaptations for cities, or for school districts, or for—was that—because this relates to—I’m going to jump to Sheri McWhirter’s question as well, then get back to David Schechter. But are there—are there particular people who are developing best practices on, you know, engineering, and building, and architecture, and all of that, that a reporter could turn to, to take a look at? HASSOL: Absolutely. So many cities have—or, counties have sustainability officers. And some states or localities have resilience officers. So I would look to those local resources, because the thing about these kinds of adaptations is they are inherently local. And so they’re going to be different everywhere. You know, what you need in the Southwest, where it’s hot and dry, is very different than what you need in the Southeast, where it’s really humid and moist. So but there are—there are exactly the kinds of things that you’re talking about. ROBBINS: And you may not know the answer to this, and I don’t mean to put you on the spot, but are there places that you consider sort of gold standard places—local places that are doing a good job of resilience of adaptation, that one could look at to—if you wanted to, say, you know, write a story about this and say that this might, you know, have—be a model for what we should be looking at in our neighborhood? HASSOL: I have heard about things like that. The city of Chicago may be one of them. One of the things that’s happening too is that some areas are starting to look towards considering themselves climate havens. And so a lot of the states around the Great Lakes, for example, and Vermont and New Hampshire, places where it tends to be cooler and wetter. And especially if look around, like, Duluth, Minnesota, or Detroit, places where there’s been sort of an emptying out from, you know, Rust Belt kind of—those are places where it might actually be good to go. I wrote a piece for Scientific American with a colleague just recently on climate migration in the United States. And that’s another link we can put in the chat for you. It’s really interesting that we’re going to have to pull back from the coasts, up out of the south, away from the very dry Southwest—depending on what we do. Unless we get very serious about reducing the emissions that are causing climate change very soon, we are going to see a really—a major restructuring of where the populations live in this country. The Southeast in particular, so many problems—from heat and humidity, to, you know, how they’re going to supply enough power for all the air conditioning use, to all the coastal issues, hurricanes. I mean, look at Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida. So many vulnerable places. North Carolina, the state that I live in, a lot of low-lying areas that are seeing this sunny day flooding, which is not just flooding on rainy days but on sunny days. And that’s sea level rise, right? So we’re seeing—we’re going to see a real structuring—a real restructuring of where people can live unless we get very serious very fast about reducing future climate change. So that was another thing I was going to point you to in terms of what localities are doing. Some of them are saying: Well, how can we change where people live? How can we attract more people to other places that are better for them to live? ROBBINS: So, thank you. Sheri McWhirter, do you want to ask your question, or should I read it? Q: I’d be happy to. Thank you. ROBBINS: Thank you. And Traverse City is a beautiful place. I’ve been there. Q: It is. So I’m one month into my new job as the climate change reporter for MLive. I think I might be the first statewide climate change reporter in Michigan. ROBBIN: Wow. Q: So it’s a big responsibility and I’m grateful for this chance. My beat is climate change, infrastructure, and energy. Climate change is easy to get people to read about. People are talking about it more. But what’s your advice on engaging readers on stories about infrastructure problems associated with the climate crisis? Now, infrastructure, it just does not sound sexy to most readers. (Laughter.) And I’m wondering how to get the most eyeballs focused on this issue, because it’s important. HASSOL: Yeah. So if you call it infrastructure, I can see that it’s not—(laughter)—that’s not going to be the way, right? So but water in the streets? People care about water in the streets, right? That’s infrastructure, right? That’s our stormwater systems and our culverts and all of that, right? So we’re going to have to do stuff with all that to make it work, right? Also, mass transit is infrastructure. And so whether people have access to good mass transit that gets them from one place to another, and, you know, how is that going to work? And is it going to be electric? And where’s that power going to come from? So energy is a really interesting story. Everybody uses it every day. Everyone knows how dependent we are on it, and how bad it is when the power goes out. There’s—I would just tell the stories of how people are living with and without energy. And what it’s going to mean to make this transition to a clean energy future. Because one of the really interesting things about it is it doesn’t just reduce fossil fuel use and help us with climate change. It makes a whole bunch of other differences too. As soon as we start burning less fossil fuels, we send less kids to the hospital with asthma. You know, it cleans up the air, it cleans up the water, it does lots of other good things. So, you know, when we make our communities more walkable it makes them safer, it gets people to talk to their neighbors more. So there’s lots of things that go on that are technically infrastructure. But if we talk about it just in terms of how people live their lives, right? Like what I said earlier, you know, we don’t like fossil fuels, we like mobility. We like cold beer and hot showers. If you talk to people about it in that way, where are we going to get the energy to power everything? Then I think it really does help people think about that. You know, for example, one of the things we’re looking at right now as an infrastructure change are some places are banning natural gas pipelines. Well, we call it “natural gas” but that’s actually sort of just a marketing term for the industry. It’s methane gas. And there’s nothing natural about digging up billion-year-old carbon and pulling it out of the ground and burning it or releasing it into the atmosphere in the geological blink of an eye. So I call it methane gas. So all of that, though, so talking about not having new gas lines run in new neighborhoods, because eventually we’re going to have to get off of that. So they want for people to use electric heat pumps, which are more efficient and use electricity. And then we can make that electricity with renewable energy. So that’s the kind of thing that’s also an interesting local story. What are we doing with that? How are we powering the things that we all need and rely on to live? ROBBINS: Isn’t there also—I mean, not that we want to do the if it bleeds it leads approach to this. But, I mean, on the risk of—to go back to the resiliency question, or the adaptation question, I mean, infrastructure’s taking a beating because of climate degradation. I mean, Texas is a perfect example. And you talked about—you know, we talked about that. The fact that Texas didn’t—you know, we didn’t expect this weather, and look what it did to our grid. You know, what is it doing to bridges? What is it doing to roads? What is it doing to things that we just basically take for granted that are infrastructure? I mean, it would seem to me that there’s—just the beating that things are taking would seem like—you got a great beat. Congratulations with that. And I suppose the answers to that go back to the same question we were asking with the school districts, which is the resiliencies and best practices questions are where it seems to be. Is there stuff in the infrastructure bill that—you know, that’s really, like, going to deal with that? I mean, I can’t figure out what’s in any of these bills. HASSOL: Yes. So build back better is really about that, right? So we now have so many billion-dollar disasters—that is, disasters, each one of which costs over a billion dollars to deal with. If you—NOAA, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, keeps track of those. And we just had a record number of them in the past year. So it was—and it’s not getting better, right? We’re seeing a big increase in these multibillion-dollar disasters. Those things are affected by climate change in a very big way. And the Build Back Better Act does look at building them back, as it says, better, in a way that takes into account climate change. You know, engineering has long been done by looking in the rearview mirror. You know, we basically build for the climate we’ve had, not the climate we’re going to have. Well, that used to work when climate was stationary. But climate change has changed that. And we are no longer in a stationary climate. We are in a climate that is changing and keeps changing. So it’s not like we get a new normal and we get to build for the new normal. It’s going to continue to change until we stop emitting the heat-trapping gases that are causing the problem. So, yes, we need to start building our roads and our bridges, taking into—and our water systems. The pumps, the pipes, the canals. You know, they’re spending $300 million in Miami on a system to pump water out of the streets. All of this stuff is affected by climate change and will continue to be. And so we have to take all that into consideration the way we build back our infrastructure and the way we harden some of our infrastructure to these kinds of disasters, which are unnatural disasters. People like to call them natural disasters. But they’re not natural anymore. So I call them unnatural disasters. And I wrote an article by that name. ROBBINS: So, David, sorry, I skipped over you because we were on infrastructure. Do you want to ask your question? This is David Schechter from WFAA-TV in Dallas, who probably knows a lot about the problems there. Q: Yeah. Thank you for—so much for doing this. Actually, we just did a—ran a story on Monday night about sea level rise on the Texas Gulf Coast. A ten-minute story. It’s the most watched story all week so far on our—on our website. People are particularly interested in it, and the connection between what happens in Glasgow and what’s going to happen on the coast of Texas is very clear. ROBBINS: Can you share that with—you’ll share that with us, and we’ll push it out to everybody. Q: Sure. So my question specifically is what—at the end of COP26, what would be a way for—I’d like to—judgement’s not the right word, but come to some conclusions for the audience, to say this was a success or this was a failure. Or, I mean, maybe it’s a little bit of both. But how would you determine what the bar is to say they want to Glasgow to do this, they didn’t do it or, you know, that kind of thing? HASSOL: Yeah. So I think it’s going to come down to minding those gaps that I mentioned earlier. It’s going to be taking a look at what did they pledge to do? What are they ready to implement? And how different is it going to be than what’s been done before? So I like to believe—I mean, I know that the intention is there. These are all people of very good faith that are going and negotiating and working really hard to try to move us out of this crisis. We are in an emergency now. And I think we have to judge them—and I understand what you mean about that. You don’t want to judge harshly, but you do want to judge. We have to judge by what happens in reality, right? Are the—are the pledges going to be made real with policies? Are these countries going to be able to get the policies through to do what they say they’re going to do and are we going to see those changes? The money that they pledge, the $100 billion a year, is that going to really happen in terms of moving money to the developing countries so that they can leapfrog over the industrialization, the dirty development that we did—leapfrog straight to clean energy? We have to help them do that because half the boat can’t float and half sink. You know, if they—if India keeps building coal plants, it hurts all of our climate. So we have to help them to develop in a cleaner way. And that is possible. So I think the way we have to judge is not going to be able to be determined the day after the COP is over. It’s going to be determined over time. Are those pledges, are those monies actually being transferred? Is it really happening? You know, one of the things that I’m looking at a lot these days is the production gap. And so the fact that we are still developing new fossil fuel frontiers. Now, the U.S. is actually the worst offender on this. Most—a lot of the—the U.S. has more new production of oil and gas on track for the next ten years of any other country. So is the U.S. going to change that? Are we going to pull back from some of those plans that are in the pipeline, as it were? Then there are frontiers that the fossil fuel industry, the oil and gas industry in particular, are going into in Africa, in South America and Southeast Asia, places where they have not developed before for oil and gas but they’re looking at these new exploration blocks, and they want to build new pipelines. And so how, when we know we need to phase our fossil fuels, we need to ramp down production, why are we still looking at new frontiers? So I would judge by whether we are actually stopping some of that. The banks that finance all of this, all of these fossil fuel projects are financed by banks. Some of those big banks—some of the top four are U.S. banks. So there’s an organization called BankTrack that tracks the financing of all of this fossil fuel development. Those are all ways that we can look and say: Is the government—are our governments going to do something about that? Is it all just talk? Or are they going to actually stop new fossil fuel development in other places, in frontiers? Are we going to slow down on this—are we going to stop this new development within our own country? Are we going to keep building new pipelines? Why are we throwing good money after bad, when we know we’re going to have to ramp down production? Why are we still building and investing in new fossil fuel infrastructure when we know that it is incompatible with the targets and the pledges that we’re making? So that’s the way I would look at this. And I would hold people’s feet the fire, and say: You’re saying all the right stuff, but are you doing it? Are you walking the walk? Those are—those are few thoughts on that subject. And, you know, by the way, tomorrow there’s a side event on these new fossil fuel frontiers that I’m talking about. You can actually join it virtually via Zoom. And I’ll ask Morgan Block, who’s with us, to put that information in the chat. And you can register and attend that event and learn about more what’s happening in some of these frontiers in African and South America and Southeast Asia. I hope that’s helpful. ROBBINS: That’s hugely helpful. But is there also—I didn’t mean a but in that, but, yes—in transition, I remember after Paris that there were, like, all sorts of trackers that people set up to—because there are so many moving parts here. You know, who is giving money? Who’s, you know, made what pledge? How do you track, you know, how close they are to their pledges? And, you know, I’m a bear of limited brain, and I’d like to have grids and spreadsheets. And I’d like somebody else to do the work for me, preferably. Can you recommend ways to—you know, people who are going to be doing that, or are already doing it, so we can pay attention to, you know, what’s the Green Climate Fund? Who’s—you know, who’s given what money? Who’s, you know, falling behind on their pledges on their INDCs [Intended Nationally Determined Contribution]? I mean, you know, who are the good people who are actually slicing and dicing the numbers in a way that’s accessible that we can—we can pay attention to answer the question that was posed about how far along we are and how far we have to go? HASSOL: Yeah. So the U.N. Environment Program does a pretty good job of keeping track of all that. And then there are other sort of think tank, do tank type things, like RMI and Energy Innovation. You know, for example, you were mentioning before about the infrastructure bill and how hard it is to know what’s in it, and what’s going to do what. Well, Energy Innovation took a look at that and broke it all down and said: OK, here are all these different policies. Here’s how much emissions would be reduced by each one of them. So that when Senator Manchin, for example, said he wants to pull out the one where it was carrots and sticks for the utility companies and the power plants, they were able to say, well, that was 40 percent of the emissions reductions right there. So if we don’t do that, what are we going to do instead? So there are organizations that track this. Stockholm Environment Institute is one that puts out a lot of good reports around these kinds of issues. And I’ll keep an eye out for other things and let you know, but, yeah, there are usually—even the New York Times, who has a hub right now in— ROBBINS: What do you mean, even the New York Times? HASSOL: (Laughs.) That they—that they have also—they’ve got several reporters over there. And they will put together something like that that I think would be useful. And I said “even” because it’s actually, like, I mean, a media source as opposed to— ROBBINS: Right. HASSOL: They’re really doing a lot of climate right now, and I think they’re doing a really good job. ROBBINS: That’s right. I can cheer on all of my former employers. (Laughs.) So RMI, I just looked it up. This is RMI.org, transforming the global energy system to secure a clean, prosperous zero-carbon future for all. Looks like it’s a good—and Energy Innovation is? HASSOL: Energy Innovation, LLC. Morgan can probably put the link in the chat for you all. So, you know, our website, ClimateCommunciation.org, we have a lot of—we curate resources, right? So I know that one of the things—like you say, how do you know if something’s a good source? How do you know if it’s a credible source? If you just Google “global warming,” you know, you’ll go right to the Heartland Institute, which is a climate denier group, right? So you have to be careful. So what we do is on ClimateCommunication.org, which is our website, we have a set of resources. And there’s articles, reports, websites. And we’ve picked, you know, maybe no more than ten in any given category. And so there you can find Energy Innovation and a group called Climate Interactive, and some others that we recommend as being really good, credible sources for this kind of thing. So if you go to our website, you’ll—you can go to those resources. You can also see some of the articles. For example, I mentioned the one on climate migration. You’ll find that there. I also just did one that just came out yesterday in Scientific American. And it’s called “The Three Things We Have to Do to Tackle Climate Change.” And it basically boiled down this whole big complex set of solutions to three things: phase out fossil fuels, deploy clean energy, and protect our forests. And then of course, I give you some more detail under each one, but that’s—you’ll find that there. And the one I mentioned, “Unnatural Disasters,” about how to talk about and make the connections between climate change and particular types of extreme weather, that article is there. And two that I did for the New York Times, including one that’s framed on the wall behind me, about the connections between heat waves and climate change and the deaths that we’re seeing pile up from the heat impacts of climate change. ROBBINS: So, as I was saying before about this, is it’s not like there are two sides to this. Like evolution. That said, there must be some sort of textured debate about remediation, about, you know, which policies are the better policies and what costs are the better costs. How do we get a sense of—because, you know, we’re reporters. We don’t want on the one hand, on the other hand on climate change. On the other hand, we do want more texture in our reporting. How do we get that? I mean, how—you know, where—I mean, maybe, you know—where, perhaps, as the areas of debate, or at least healthy discussion in any particular area, if I wanted to take a look and at least feel a little bit better in my soul that I didn’t—I understand it’s not advocacy. But I always feel a little bit uncomfortable if I feel like everybody’s agreeing in all my stories. HASSOL: Yeah. (Laughs.) So not everybody agrees on all the details of how we tackle this, right? So we know we have to get—we have to go to carbon-free energy, right? Then the question is, what are the best carbon-free sources? So when you look at a supply curve and you say, OK, we want to do this, but we want to do this the least expensive way possible, not the most expensive way. So we’ll start with the things that are the cheapest—that is, energy efficiency. And right now solar photovoltaic is the cheapest form of new energy. We’re doing better with storage. And then you go all the way up the supply curve. At the very far end of the supply curve you’ll see nuclear power, currently the most expensive way to generate electricity, but it’s carbon free. And that’s good. We need carbon free baseload electricity. We have 100, roughly, nuclear plants in this country. We want to keep them online as long as it’s safe and as long as we can, because we don’t want to have to replace that carbon-free energy. There’s a debate about whether we should be investing in a new generation of nuclear power. Right now there’s nothing that’s cost effective and that can be done fast enough to really make a big contribution. But there are people who advocate that we need to be making that investment to see if there’s something that we can come up with there that can help us. That’s not agreed across the board. Many people say, why not just deploy the stuff that we have now that’s safe, that’s cheap, and that we’re ready to deploy? So there’s some disagreement there. There’s some—still some debate about how we’re going to get the last 10 or 20 percent. I think we feel pretty comfortable that we can get the first 80 percent done, but there are some hard to decarbonize sectors. Long-haul air travel is one of those. Are we going to do it with hydrogen? You know, we know we can do short-haul flights with electric, but the long-haul flights, we need the density—energy density, and we don’t know how exactly we’re going to get there. And there are some others. So there is some healthy debate on exactly which policies and exactly which technologies will get us there. There’s some debate about carbon capture and storage, and how much we should be investing in carbon capture technology. Thus far, it’s very expensive and it doesn’t capture much at all, right? So we don’t have—we would have to develop the infrastructure—to use that word again- that’s more than all of our current oil and gas infrastructure just to capture and store carbon. Most people think—the people that, you know, are really looking at this objectively—it’s not likely to happen. However, those who want to keep us still using fossil fuels are pushing hard for more carbon—more of this carbon capture and storage technology. And there’s quite a bit of money for that in the Build Back Better Act. Not everyone thinks that’s a good idea. So those are some of the places where I think you can find some honest disagreement among credible sources. ROBBINS: So we have two minutes left. Unless somebody has another question? Just is there a country that does—that’s sort of leading edge on this? That, you know, is doing things that we should—we should be looking at? HASSOL: Iceland is one. Costa Rica is another. These tend to be countries that don’t have giant populations and also have some good natural resources. So Iceland is quite blessed with hydroelectric resources and geothermal resources. So those are two great renewable resources. And they’re 100 percent renewable. So that’s pretty cool. So you want to look to how they’re doing it, and how they’re using it. And they use it even for big industry. So, you know, we can also do a lot better with transmission. So there’s a lot of hydroelectric in Canada. And they could be using some of that in the U.S. Northeast if they worked on better transmission lines. So that’s a piece of this that we’re going to have to be looking at. But those are a couple of countries. And some of the small islands are working really hard. And, you know, we’re doing pretty well in the U.S. There’s been, you know, a big increase in solar and wind recently. But we’re going to need a lot more. So we’re on our way, but we’re not there yet. So we’re winning, but not fast enough. And in the case of climate change, we’re racing against—we’re racing against time, because winning too slowly is the same as losing. So, yeah, we just need to do everything faster—as much as we can, as fast as we can. ROBBINS: Thank you so much. I’m going to turn this back to Maria, but I want to point out that Susan Hassol tweets at @climatecomms. And worth—very much worth following her. And I thank you all so much for joining us. Please share everything that you write and things that you want us to do. We will also be pushing out a lot of the things that were in the chat as well, if you didn’t have time to copy and paste. And over to you, Maria. CASA: Susan Joy Hassol and Carla Anne Robbins, thank you very much for speaking with us today. And thanks to all of you across the country for joining us. As Carla just mentioned, we will be sending you a list of the resources mentioned during this conversation along with the link to the recording and transcript of the webinar, once it’s been posted on our website. I encourage you to follow Carla on Twitter at @robbinscarla and Susan at @climatecomms. Please also visit CFR.org and ForeignAffairs.com for further coverage of climate change and analysis of the national and international trends affecting the United States. We welcome, as always, your suggestions for future webinars. You can reach us by emailing [email protected]. So thank you again for joining us today and see you next time. ROBBINS: Thanks so much.
  • Education
    Academic Webinar: The Future of U.S.-Mexico Relations
    Play
    Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, associate professor in George Mason University’s Schar School of Policy and Government and global fellow in the Wilson Center’s Latin America Program, leads a conversation on the future of U.S.-Mexico relations.   CASA: Welcome to today’s session of the CFR Fall 2021 Academic Webinar Series. I am Maria Casa, director of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Thank you all for joining us. Today’s discussion is on the record and the video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org/academic if you would like to share it with your colleagues or classmates. As always CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We are delighted to have Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera with us to discuss the future of U.S.-Mexico relations. Dr. Correa-Cabrera is associate professor in the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University and global fellow in the Latin America Program at the Wilson Center. She also serves as nonresident scholar at the Center for the United States and Mexico in Rice University’s Baker Institute, is a fellow at Small Wars Journal-El Centro, and is co-editor of the International Studies Perspectives Journal. Previously Dr. Correa-Cabrera was principal investigator of a research grant to study organized crime and trafficking in persons in Central America and Mexico, supported by the U.S. Department of State’s Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons. She is past president of the Association for Borderland Studies and the author of several books. Welcome, Guadalupe. CORREA-CABRERA: Thank you, Maria. CASA: Thank you very much for speaking with us today. CORREA-CABRERA: Thank you, Maria. Thank you very much to everyone, especially the Council on Foreign Relations, for the opportunity to talk to you about the relationships of my two countries, the United States and Mexico. So today, I’m going to start by explaining what is the current state of Mexico-U.S. relations, but in the context of a very important event that took place some days ago, in the context of the U.S.-Mexico Bicentennial Framework for Security, Public Health, and Safe Communities. The bicentennial—so-called Bicentennial Understanding. There was a concern at the beginning of the current administration in the United States that the relationships between the United States and Mexico were going to be difficult. Notwithstanding the last, the current year has been extremely productive in many areas. And with this new understanding, the Bicentennial Understanding, that it states in the Bicentennial Framework for Security, Public Health, and Safe Communities, the United States and Mexico’s relation has been reframed in a very important way. There is an understanding that the Mérida initiative that had been the center of the relationship between the United States and Mexico, focused on security, needed to be reframed. And then, you know, that was—that was considered that the priorities remained the same, the priorities of the two countries, with some changes that I’m going to be talking about. But the three—I mean, the high-level understanding, this high-level meeting told us what’s supposed to be—I mean, where we’re going to see in the future. So I just wanted to point out some of the points that were discussed. This framework was informed by each country’s security priorities, that I’m going to be talking about. And the focus is addressing violence, but through a response that’s driven by justice and use of intelligence against organized crime, and based on tactical cooperation in law enforcement, based on the previous mistakes that had been identified. But currently, the focus would be on public health and development as a part of the strategy of cooperation between the two countries. I’m taking some words from the—from the communique of this understanding. And, you know, with the consideration of—for a more secure and prosperous region, the Mexico-U.S. Bicentennial Framework serves to reaffirm the friendship and cooperation that exists between the two nations. You know, as you see, the language is very friendly. It’s based on an understanding that the relationship is important, cooperation is important. Apparently the two countries are in the same boat in this regard. The United States recognizes that support of militarization is not the way probably to go. And a greater focus on public health and development to address the root causes of violence in the southern hemisphere, particularly in Mexico, is probably the way to go, with an understanding to promote a more secure and prosperous region. There are four themes—I mean, this is the idea. This was—I mean, that was the conversation that’s on the table. We don’t necessarily know ourselves today how this is going to be implemented, what are the particular policies that—or, the collaboration, or the amounts of money to make this happen. But this is kind of like the idea of the future of this collaboration. However, I am going to be talking about the opportunities, and particularly the challenges, considering the priorities of the two nations that, in a way, and when we have the meetings of this type, and when we listen to the language and read the media and talk to the politicians that were present, we have a sense. But then when everybody goes home, we kind of, like, think about this better and we see opportunities, but more challenges than we initially thought. So there are four main things in the United States-Mexico relations that need to be highlighted, plus one that has been also always important but today is more important due to the pandemic. Which is the theme of public health, where an important collaboration between Mexico and the United States has been observed but at the same time poses certain challenges with regard to the border management. Title 42 is still in place and the borders are going to be opened gradually, considering, you know, the vaccination status of people. But that has had a major impact on border communities, and certain impacts on trade and development, particularly at the U.S.-Mexico border. The other four main themes of U.S. Mexico relations that I want to talk about are immigration, security, trade, and energy. I mean, I don’t want to place them in order of priority. I think that energy is going to define the future of Mexico-U.S. relations, but I’m going to mention the four in the context of the present—I mean, the present situation. So with regards to trade, the successful passage and, you know, implementation of renegotiation of NAFTA, today in the shape of USMCA, has been extremely successful. Poses some challenges, of course. And this is going to be connected with the last subject we’ll be talking about, the proposal of the Mexican government to reform the electricity sector. This is something that is going to be very, very important, and what are the priorities of the United States in the framework of build back better? But with regards to trade, apparently their relationships could not be, you know, better than today. There are some challenges, of course, that have to be with labor rights and unions in Mexico that would cause some loss of competitiveness in the manufacturing sector. And in the framework build back better, of course, this is going to benefit the United States and it’s going probably to affect the manufacturing sector of Mexico. Let’s see how it works. But with regards to trade, things are mainly, you know, stable, with exception of the future. And this is going to be very, very important. The potential passage, we don’t really know, it’s very difficult that the electricity reform in Mexico will pass. But anyway, the president—the current president of Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, has a very important amount of—I mean, segment of the population, and a very important support from his base that might help him to achieve his goal. I see it very differently, but we’ll talk about that. So the next area that I would like to talk about is immigration. Here we have enormous challenges, enormous challenges that have been visualized with, you know, the current situations at the border that started since the beginning of this administration. During the past years, I mean, they had started to be increasing in magnitude, or at least in visibility. As I mentioned, Title 42 is maintained, and the migration protection protocol—Migrant Protection Protocols, so Stay in Mexico program, where a number of asylum seekers would have to wait for their cases to be decided in Mexico, there’s a new definition in this framework. The Supreme Court of the United States very recently made a decision with regards to the reinstatement of the Migrant Protection Protocols. In the beginning the Department of Homeland Security, you know, made the declaration that they would—they would continue with that, but very recently they intention is not to continue with the Migrant Protection Protocols. In the end, and this is why this is very important in the very current conversation, in the end the continuation of this—of this program that has been highly criticized. Then it’s also—it has put the human rights of undocumented migrants and asylum seekers at risk. That might—this will not work if Mexico—if the government of Mexico does not accept it. We have to see what is going to be the result. But we have a definition in this regard. The role of Mexico is key in the management of the U.S.-Mexico border, in the management of what some call migrant crisis, and then a crisis at the border. We observed that crisis very recently with a number of Haitian citizens that all left their country, went to South America, and from South America—from countries such as Ecuador, Brazil, Chile—traveled north through different countries, finding different challenges and dangers, and arrived to one point of the U.S.-Mexico border, with the help of a number of actors, such as migrant smugglers and corrupt authorities, but with the aim of making—I mean, escaping a terrible life and making a better life in the United States. We have a caravan that’s now in direction to Mexico City. They were going go—they will put their demands on the table, but their intent is to continue going to the United States. There is a very big definition with regards to the migrant crisis, or what some call the migrant crisis, and the immigration issues that the government of the United States has recognized very accurately, and the Mexican government too, that there need to be collaboration to address the root causes of the situation that has to do with the development of the countries of Central America, of South America. And, you know, to achieve stability in South America, probably not through militarization. Secretary Blinken in a very surprising statement has led us to believe that today the United States is also reframing its aid to Latin America, to Central America and the Caribbean. And the focus is not going to be in aid in military equipment or in the militarization of the region. This is very important. And this brings me to talk about the third important—the third theme in the U.S.-Mexico relations. Mexico’s security—the relationship of Mexico and the United States in the past few years has been focused on this connection between security and immigration. That’s in the end centered on a specific attention of border enforcement, of border security cooperation. The situation in Mexico has deteriorated in the past few years, and the situation has not improved in an important way. Mexico’s homicides remained at high levels, despite the pandemic. During the pandemic the decrease was very small, but today and we expect that this year the homicide rate continues growing in a trend that does not seem to be going down. The approach of the Mexican government since the transition period was—I mean, I can be summarized in the phrase talks not bullets. Which means, like, a completely—I mean, a complete shift of the declaration of Mexico’s war on drugs to some other, like, approaches that will focus as well to solve the root causes of violence insecurity in Mexico, mainly development frameworks. However, the prior militarization of criminal groups in different parts of the country, and the events—the shootings and the diversification of criminal activities by armed groups in the country—has also caused a very complicated situation. The count of homicides in Mexico shows that killings remain essentially unchanged, more than 36,000 homicides in the year 2020. As I mentioned before, this year we expect an important increase. I don’t know what will be the magnitude, but we have observed since the beginning of the year very unfortunate events. For example, at the U.S.-Mexico border, in the city of Reynosa, the massacre of migrants, and also assassinations and disappearances in a very key highway of Mexico from Nuevo Laredo and Monterrey. We still remember the Culiacanazo in the year 2019, which was a very complicated year. And today the situation in states like Michoacán, Guerrero, and Sinaloa, the massacres that be found, and people who disappear—or, that remain disappeared, is a very big concern, both to Mexico and the United States. There is not really an understanding of how this collaboration with regards to security will be framed. However, there was a very big advancement in the Bicentennial Understanding initial talks that the Mérida Initiative, at least on paper, supposed to be ending. But there’s going to be a focus on dismantling transnational criminal organizations, probably in a different way and not with a focus on the military sector or on armed forces. At least, this is what we have on the paper. Mexico has been very straightforward with regards—and very critical with regards to the role of the DEA. And that has caused several tensions in this relationship. We also have the issue of security and the—I mean, the priorities of the United States with regards to build back better proposal or reform. And then we have, as I said, the reform of the electric sector in the Mexico state, who want to recover the control of the management of electricity, of the electricity market, and the capacity of the state to manage the lithium. So Mexico has—and the Mexican government has three main projects: the construction of the refinery in—the Dos Bocas in Tabasco, the Santa Lucia airport, and the Maya Train. There is a tension between Mexico and the United States with regards to priorities. Mexico has a priority to continue with the support of oil and gas. This is—this is reflected in the construction of the refinery. And here, we’re probably going to see the main point of tension. Because of build back better and the commitment with build back better, and also focus on U.S. internal markets where Mexico has been benefitting from the growth of its manufacturing sector. We don’t really know how this is going to be playing out, but at least, you know, on paper things are going to be good. But definitely the priorities with regards to energy are very different, and the focus of the U.S.-Mexico government on the lessening of climate change. And this focus is going to be very different—very difficult. The United States is committed to meet its climate goals, create millions of jobs inside the United States. And that has really changed their relationship. So we can talk more about these. Thank you for listening to this. And as I said, we’ll probably be talking a lot about energy and the inequalities that public health and vaccination rates, that will also cause tensions. And immigration is another point that we need to talk about in greater depth. Thank you. CASA: Thank you, Guadalupe, for that introduction. There certainly is a lot to talk about. Now let’s open this up to questions from our participants. (Gives queuing instructions.) Let’s see. We will start with a written question from Paul Haber, who’s a professor at University of Montana. He asks: Can you please provide some detail regarding the changes in labor required in Mexico by the USMCA? And what has happened to date? And do you expect a real deepening of the reforms between now and the end of the AMLO administration? CORREA-CABRERA: This is a very important question. With regard to the USMCA, mainly the main point that might cause tensions have to do—has to do with labor unions, particularly in the maquiladora sector, in manufacturing sector. The United States has been very clear with regards to that requirement, but that would, at the same time, lower the competitiveness of Mexico’s manufacturing sector. As I said, there have been, I mean, in the past couple of years an attempt to create independent labor unions in the maquiladora sector, but there are still extreme tensions. And there have not been a real advance in this—in this sense. But at the same time, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, with his theme of primero los pobres, the poor first, and a support of Mexican labor, an increase—a very important increase since the beginning of his administration of wages, he is supposedly committed to help Mexican workers and to—and he has been focused as well on supporting not only the labor unions or the labor sector, but with his social programs that have been, I mean, advertised a great extent. Such as Jóvenes Construyendo el Futuro, the Youth Constructing Future, which is a very important, for him, but also very criticized program. And the support of mothers without—I mean, single mothers. And, I mean Youth Constructing Future for those who don’t have jobs. So on the one hand Andrés Manuel López Obrador, also in order to continue building his base of support or maintaining his base of support, focused—has focused on these programs, these social programs, that are not necessarily just focused on labor, as the way that the United States wants this to be seen in order to also rebuild the economy by changing the focus to internal development. I don’t see in that regard if what—if your interest comes from the United States, what has happened with the union is—with the labor unions and their capacity to really, I mean, grow in the Mexican manufacturing sector—I don’t see—I don’t see a lot of advancement in that area. And definitely in this regard, there are very different priorities in Mexico versus the United States. But Andrés Manuel López Obrador has been able to convince a number of his supporters, a number of Mexican workers, because he has increased in a very important way Mexican wages. And he is probably going to be able to achieve more increases when the elections—the presidential elections approach. But definitely we don’t see very definite changes with regards to this area as the USMCA has been posed. CASA: Next we have a raised hand from Sherice Nelson, assistant professor at Southern University in Baton Rouge. Sherice. Q: Good afternoon. Thank you so much for your talk. And I appreciate you leaving time for us to ask questions. As a professor, how do—the biggest challenge often is to get students to back away from some of the stereotypical information they get about U.S.-Mexico and the relationship, and the centering of that—of that relationship on immigration, when there’s far—as you mentioned—there are far other issues that define our relationship. Where are places that we can lead students to, to get better information that is not as stereotypical about the relationship, that will pique their interest? Thanks so much. CORREA-CABRERA: That’s a very important question. Thank you for asking. And absolutely, there is a way to present the issue on immigration, to place it in a political perspective—either from the right side or the left. The problem with immigration and the quality development and the access for jobs—I mean, it has been studied in depth by Mexican academics, United States academics. Issues have more to do with development and with the jobs that are offered in the United States, the pull and push factors of undocumented immigration, for example. And we have very different areas to be thinking about migration or immigration. And the focus recently has been at the border, has been with regards to asylum seekers, has been politicized in the United States, while many other areas have been, to some extent, ignored. There are—for educators, there are a number of analyses. One particular area that’s important to know, it’s United States—I mean, immigrants—how immigrants in the United States, coming from different countries, have been able to develop, have been able to make this country great. That’s one area that we have to focus on. And there is a lot of information in that regard. Another, I mean, issue that it’s important to know are the pull and push factors of undocumented immigration. And one important factor that usually we’re not focused on are the jobs that exist in the United States, and the perspective from—I mean, the undocumented immigration from the perspective of employers. And that is connected to this analysis of the role of immigrants in the United States. Where are they coming from? What are they doing? How they came here, and not just of those who want to come. Another issue that has been widely covered is the one that has to do with migration. Migration flows that start in countries such as Chile, that dangerous journey where that media has been focused on, without analyzing this as a whole, without analyzing this understand that there are jobs in the United States, there is a comprehensive immigration reform that’s on the table, and that that comprehensive immigration reform will definitely help to solve the problems of a system that needs the, I mean, immigrants to continue working, but it’s creating all sorts of problem. The disfunctions of U.S. immigration system have been identified. There is a proposal that’s bipartisan to solve these issues with temporary visas, pathway towards citizenship for those that are already here, that already have jobs, that already contribute to this economy. But unfortunately, immigration is definitely, as you correctly mention, a subject that has been utilized, that has been polarized, because it touches very important sentiments of the electorate. And we don’t understand it. Definitely the immigration system in the United States needs to change. And there are—there is a very important amount of articles, of studies that analyze not just those who want to come or the so-called migrant crisis at the border, but how the market in the United States works, the labor markets, what undocumented migrants do in the United States, how to solve these issues with these bipartisan efforts that have been put together in documents, such as the Comprehensive Immigration Reform, and also those that want to work. And many of these problems would probably be solved through the mechanisms that think tanks, and analysts, and academics have done. Important work by think tanks like the Migration—MPI, the Migration Policy Institute, or the—I mean, other initiatives in Mexico. There have been a lot of—there’s a lot of information about the possible policies to solve these issues. It’s important to consider that information is there, that the work is done, but the problem is the coverage. And definitely our students need to go to understand the suggested—the suggested solutions, creating legal pathways to migration, to temporary work in the United States, is probably the way to go. But unfortunately, we got into these politicized moments, and these electoral moments, and the discourse gets politicized. But there is a lot there, a lot of analysis, a lot of proposals that you can find. Amazing work, both in the United States, in Mexico, and in many other countries of the Americas, because right now the issue of undocumented immigration, irregular immigration does not only have to do with Mexico and the United States. Immigrants have to pass through Mexico in order to get to where they want to go in order to go where the works are located. But we know and we have seen that a number of people, for example, that what was called the Haitian crisis at the border, like, the journey was done from countries as far as Chile, and so many countries have to deal with that. For example, the situation in Venezuela—many migrants that have been—I mean, finding jobs and a home in Colombia temporarily are also going—also moving up and are going to the border. So there’s a lot there, and our students, you know, can find a lot of information. It’s just to get out of the media discourses that are presented and that do not allow us to see the reality. But there is a lot out there that we can access, particularly for our students. CASA: Our next question is a written question and comes from Pedro Izquierdo, a graduate student at George Mason University. He asks, what improvements and flaws do you see in the bicentennial framework regarding arms trafficking, unlike the Mérida Initiative? CORREA-CABRERA: Well, it’s—the Bicentennial Understanding is not—at this point it’s just a number of good wishes and the recognition of certain problems. Arms trafficking has been recognized in this Bicentennial Understanding. As of today, we don’t really know what the United States is going to be able to do with regards to arms trafficking, and there is a very important and complicated situation here because in the United States it’s not by decree, it’s not by—I mean, the arms possession and the way that United States citizens understand their rights with regards to bearing arms. It’s a constitutional right; therefore—and there’s a lot of—you know, there’s a very, very big business that will not end so easily. Therefore, the two countries might, you know, might agree on—I mean verifying or collaborating to end or to lessen the issue of arms smuggling. However, this is going to be very difficult unless something important happens in the United States with regards to the legislation to place some limits on the bearing of arms. This is very important. As of today, Pedro, there is not a concrete plan of how the two countries are going to collaborate in this regard. As we know, the minister of foreign affairs—I mean the Mexican government through the minister of foreign affairs, I mean, has a lawsuit against United States arms manufacturers with regards to the arms that come to Mexico and end up in the hands of drug traffickers. There is nothing else that it’s current today where we will know what the two countries are going to be doing. And this is the same with many of the good wishes, many of the areas of the collaboration, the end of the Mérida Initiative and the beginning of this understanding. We really don’t know what specific programs are going to be implemented and how these programs are going to be implemented, how much money is going to be directed to these programs at this time. We just have an understanding of how the priorities can get together to improve and to reframe, to some extent, the collaboration in terms of security and development. CASA: Next we are going to a raised hand; we have Terron Adlam, an undergraduate student at Delaware State University. Please go ahead, Terron. Q: Can you hear me now? CASA: Yes. Q: Hi. Yes. So I’m thinking about more the energy sector of this talk. So in Mexico I know there’s a lot of geothermal activity, so isn’t there a more effective way of, like—because global warming is increasing more and more as time goes on, like, the flooding, the overheating of the ozone, stuff like—couldn’t geothermal usage be more effective in Mexico and solar too, versus the oil refineries? CORREA-CABRERA: This is a very important question. The understanding of climate change in the United States is very different from Mexico. In the developed world, the concern about the environment has been focused—I mean, this has now been the center of the discussion and the center of the development programs and projects. In the developing nations, there are more immediate needs to be covered. With regards specifically to Mexico, there is not—climate change is not in the center of the discourse and the priorities of the Mexican government. Mexico has oil and gas and the current Mexican president—I mean, notwithstanding the analysis of other actors. What the Mexican government has had as a priority since the beginning of the administration has more to do with the development from the state, more centralization of the state, a greater role of the state in the sector of oil and gas. The climate change priority comes from the United States. Today, you know, the diplomatic efforts are going to be done to make Mexico to turn into the renewable sector, but at this point, it is not the priority of the Mexican government, neither the priority of a majority of the Mexican people, because in the developing world, climate change is important but it’s more important sometimes in certain parts of Mexico, such as Guerrero, Michoacán, and Tamaulipas, and it’s particularly the poorest regions of Mexico—Oaxaca or Chiapas—where there are several problems and, you know, immediate needs of people are not covered. And I’m talking about food. I’m talking about security very particularly. These pictures of children with arms in Guerrero and Michoacán tell us what the emergency situation is for a number of people, and the Mexican president has been able to create a discourse around these needs, around the needs for poor people, around the needs of those who can listen to that better, and he has a priority today—I mean, he sent a proposal to achieve an electric reform; well, the state is going to have more involvement and also a focus on electricity with the technologies that the Mexican state has been managed, which is not connected to solar or wind or the mindset that the United States has had in the past few years. So the priorities are very different and the studies are not directed there. The Department of Energy of the United States, through one of the laboratories of renewable energies, conducted a—I mean conducted a study and released the results of this report talking about the—according to the report—the negative effects in terms of emissions of carbon by Mexico and the increase in the cost of producing electricity. The Mexican government—the president alleged that that study was not based in reality. And you can see, then, what Mexico wants. And, you know, currently, Mexico has actively participated in the COP26 and it’s been involved in the conversation, but definitely we don’t know how much money or how this—(inaudible)—is going to be made. This is a very important question because I wasn’t able to go in depth with this. This is probably going to be the main point of tensions between the two countries in the future—definitely for Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Andrés Manuel López Obrador was a very big critic of the recent energy reform of 2013, 2014, the energy reform that allowed private capital to get into the oil sector. He was a pretty big critic. There have been a number of events that link corrupt Mexican governments with the concessions in the oil sector, oil and gas sector, so this is probably going to be—continue to be discussed. And if the president has the capacity of passing the reform—that I see it very difficult because of the numbers that he needs—the situation is going to become more tense, because his vision is nationalistic and it’s not—and nationalism—Mexican nationalism of today is not looking at climate change as its main priority. And you can see the supporters of Andrés Manuel López Obrador are really not discussing climate change. Mexican elites are discussing climate change and, of course, the opposition against Andrés Manuel López Obrador against the government of the Fourth Transformation, but they have an important majority—they don’t have a majority, sorry, the opposition. The important majority is within the government of the Fourth Transformation, and their support for electric reform is important. I don’t know how this is going to play out in the end, but in the United States and in Mexico, climate change is perceived in a very different way. That has to be understood very clearly because we don’t see the media, we don’t see how in the schools and how in Mexico overall the issue is well-ingrained into the society, because, of course, the society, the Mexican society, particularly the most vulnerable ones in the country, the very important number of poor people in the country has other priorities that have to do with food insecurity—have to do with food insecurity. CASA: Thank you. Our next question is a written question; it’s from Yuri Mantilla, professor of law at Liberty University, and he writes, can you please analyze the influence of political ideologies in Mexico and the U.S. that are shaping both international relations between the two countries and perceptions of the Mexican and American people regarding the current political contexts under the Biden administration in the U.S. and the López Obrador leadership in Mexico? CORREA-CABRERA: That’s an amazing question, but that is a very difficult question to answer very quickly. OK, let me try to do it. It’s a very big challenge. This is a very challenging question. As I mentioned with regards to climate change, the ideologies in Mexico and the United States, what is right and what is left in the two countries is quite—it’s, to some extent, different in the United States, the left and right. And today, because we have a president that ran on a left-wing platform and he was recognized as a left-wing president and also a very big critic of so-called neoliberal reforms and the neoliberal system that were represented by the previous administrations and that by the administrations that achieved democratization in Mexico. I’m talking about the National Action Party and all the parties that supported those reforms, the democratization in the country. And because of that, today, the ideology has transformed, to some extent; it’s not about—I mean, support for the Washington consensus as it was in the previous decades versus—which was represented in the government—versus another project that direct—the relationship more with the people. Now that mindset, that discourse, sometimes propagandistic in certain ways, is in the government. So the government presents itself as a left-wing government. Nationalism and a conception of first the poor—the poor first, very big criticism, in discourse only, about neoliberalism, without, you know, a real perspective what neoliberalism is because of the support that the current Mexican government has provided to USMCA, which is one of the foundation parts of what is perceived as neoliberalism, which is mainly liberalism in—not in the perspective of the United States overall—free markets, the importance of free markets in the economy. It’s a very challenging question because in the United States and Mexico there are important concepts that mean different things for people. Liberalism or neoliberalism for Mexicans mean support of markets and a support of the right, while in the United States, when we talk about liberalism, we think about progressive thinking; we think about equality but in a different way. In Mexico the center is equality in the economic regard, and the president today, the government, you know, is governing with the flag of equality, is governing with the flag of the left. And the so-called left is with the Mexican—or allegedly voted for the current Mexican president, but now some of them are debating themselves in different areas. So it’s not as easy to place the right and the left as it is more in the United States; even in the United States there are many issues with regards to position yourself in right and left. We have the progressive part of the electorate in the United States versus a more moderate left, and, as you all know, the Republican Party or the conservative segment of the U.S. population that’s more connected with Republican candidates, it’s kind of like a very different conception in Mexico. The right wing in Mexico in many ways support, for example, the Democratic Party in the United States. What is conceived as the opposition to Andrés Manuel López Obrador even are very critical of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s relationship with feminism or the feminist movement. Andrés Manuel López Obrador is not supporting the feminist movement because Andrés Manuel López Obrador alleges the feminist movement has been supported by other countries and the opposition. So for the alleged left that is represented by the government, feminism is not a part of their agenda, while in the United States the LGBTQIA movement, the feminist movement, support for climate change, those important values are part of the progressive movement of the left. I mean, in Mexico, and I explain this is why this is very, very important and a very challenging question to answer—I mean, just very quickly—is that, for example, climate change is not in the agenda and climate change is in the—it has been taken by the opposition to the Mexican government. Many representatives of the opposition are criticizing the current Mexican government but not focusing on not going and continuing with the desire of constructing the Dos Bocas refinery and going with oil and gas and focusing on electricity as in the previous times of the PRI. So a number of the Mexican elite that is in opposition—I mean that’s considered the opposition are supporting climate change. Why—not supporting climate change but are supporting, like, you know, the development of renewable energies and have as an objective climate change but mainly to criticize what the Mexican government is doing. So in that regard, we see a very big polarization between the ones that supported previous administrations versus this current government that connects with the left, while in the United States we see what is the ideological spectrum. A number of those who represent, as I said, the opposition are connected with the current administration objectives. For example, President Felipe Calderón Hinojosa presents very frequently his photographs with members of the Democratic Party, the current president, Joe Biden, and he’s very critical of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, so there’s a confusion that we can have based on our own ideologies that’s not very easy to understand in very quick explanation. But I hope that I was, to some extent, clear in this regard. CASA: Next we’re going to a raised hand. Ellen Chesler, who’s senior fellow at the Ralph Bunche Institute for International Studies at the CUNY Graduate Center. Ellen? Q: I actually had put my question in the chat, I thought, but I’ll ask it. Thank you so much for this interesting overview. I wanted to—I’m a historian by training and was going to ask you to historically frame some of your introductory remarks in a little bit more depth. First, of great interest to me, your comments about the importance of public health, specifically reproductive health policy. Have United States policies and support of Mexico in the last, you know, twenty-five years or so, in your view, been positive for the country, and what are the challenges that remain? And in a way linked to that, from your introductory comments, a question about labor: You mentioned, of course, that NAFTA, in your view, was successful, certainly from Mexico’s standpoint, but has remaining challenges, largely relating to labor organization and the raising of wages in Mexico to equalize the situation between the two countries. Can you comment on what prospects there are for that happening today in Mexico? CORREA-CABRERA: Very interesting questions. With regards to reproductive health, this also has to do with the ideology. The left in Mexico, which is now represented, in a way, by the current Mexican government, the current Mexican government has adamantly—since Andrés Manuel López Obrador was head of the government of Mexico City there have been, you know, an advancement with regards to reproductive rights, reproductive health, and that is not under question of the current administration, which is very interesting because in the United States the—I mean, there’s a different type of tension. And in other countries of the hemisphere too, we can see—you know, because we’re Catholic countries we can see that area as very complex and a lot of opposition with regards to that. In Mexico, there needs to be an opposition because of the mentality, because of the culture, but there has been an advancement in the courts, and recently there was a decision in one state of Mexico that decriminalized—and it’s very interesting how the Mexican government has been able to build a different discourse that has allowed the current government to advance in that direction. Decriminalization of abortion is a way that this has advanced. So I believe that possibly—I dare to say that possibly in the Americas, Mexico is one of the most progressive governments with regards to this subject, reproductive health and reproductive rights. It is very interesting—there must be a number of studies coming from this decision of the courts of one state of Mexico that’s going to be defining the future of reproductive rights in the country. With regards to the second question about NAFTA, labor rights, there is an understanding in the United States that NAFTA has been good, particularly for Mexico. In the technocracy sector, particularly those that, you know, contributed to renegotiate NAFTA—I mean, the Mexican elites recognize the gains of Mexico in the framework of NAFTA, particularly if we focus on the manufacturing sector. The jobs that we’re creating in maquiladoras, the jobs that were created due to NAFTA, were not enough to achieve or to allow Mexico to grow at rates that were acceptable. During the time of NAFTA, Mexico has grown at the same—almost at the same level of demographic rates of population rates. So overall, a number of jobs were lost in the beginning, the first years of NAFTA. Many of these people needed to move to the United States. So the effects of NAFTA in Mexico have been very extremely, extremely unequal. But what you will read probably in the reports that have been produced by Mexican academics, Mexican analysts and think tanks and in the think tanks of the United States is that NAFTA has been overall very good for Mexico. It has not been bad for Mexico. It has allowed the country to have access to a number of products but, at the same time, has affected some other sectors that could be considered of national security. And I’m thinking about the production of grain in the agricultural sector in particular. But with regards to labor rights—and this is why the question is very important, and I’m not sure that I answered it correctly. The United States has different priorities and has had different priorities that were manifested in the growth of dissatisfaction among an important segment of the U.S. population that has not been able to—I mean, become part of the development in the United States. That gave place to the Make America Great Again movement where the intention or the importance that a number of people in the United States, both in the left or in the right—the idea of a Green New Deal that it’s right now in the form of the Build Back Better framework has this idea in mind, to generate jobs inside the United States, because globalization or very aggressive globalization after the end of the Cold War really put a number of people in the United States in a complicated situation because the jobs were performed outside the borders of the United States. So today, this is why it is important to understand what USMCA is about with regards to labor. There is an important pressure from the United States, in particular, to Mexico to increase or—the conditions of the workers in the manufacturing sector overall because there is an important focus on wages. But if wages are—increase more than what the president already increased, you know, into this framework and labor unions make more complicated the entrance of foreign capital and the foreign capital goes back to the United States, will Mexico lose its competitiveness? And the losses will be for Mexico. So there is a tension there and definitely this tension has not been solved. The wages in Mexico have been low but that has to do with the labor supply and with the conditions of labor markets overall. And if there is a force to create the labor unions, this is probably not going to be in the—I mean it’s not going to benefit Mexican workers because the businesses are probably not going to generate those jobs and will probably relocate. That’s a conversation that has been going on and we have not solved. And we have not seen an improvement overall in the conditions or the wages of workers, more than the one that Andrés Manuel López Obrador by decree—has been given to the workers by increasing in double, particularly at the border wages in the manufacturing sector. But in the framework of USMCA, we haven’t yet seen the results and we have not yet seen also the pressure if Mexico has not because the unions have not been created and there are many tensions in that sector. There was an attempt to start with the first labor union in the maquiladora sector by—I mean today a person who is right now in Congress, Susana Prieto Terrazas—she ended up in jail in the state of Tamaulipas, so this is a very complicated subject that we haven’t been able to solve. CASA: I’m afraid we have to close now. We’re not able to get to all the questions, but we will give you the contacts for the professor and you can reach out to her directly, if you would like to continue the conversation. Guadalupe, thank you very much for being with us today, and to all of you for your great questions and comments. You can follow Guadalupe on Twitter @GCorreaCabrera. Our next Academic Webinar will take place on Wednesday, November 17, at 1:00 p.m. Eastern Time. Jason Bordoff, founding director of the Center of Global Energy Policy and professor of professional practice in international and public affairs at Columbia University, will lead a conversation on energy policy and efforts to combat climate change. In the meantime, I encourage you to follow @CFR_Academic on Twitter and visit CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for new research and analysis on global issues. Thank you again for joining us today. We look forward to tuning in on November 17. (END)
  • Nuclear Energy
    The Climate for Nuclear Energy
    Podcast
    Nuclear energy is critical for decarbonization in the fight against climate change. But high-profile accidents, substantial costs, and concerns about waste management have kneecapped its expansion. As the climate crisis intensifies, the world is rethinking how to use nuclear energy to tackle ambitious climate targets.
  • Russia
    Is Russia Using Energy as a Weapon Again?
    Putin and Gazprom didn’t create Europe’s new gas crisis, but they are happy to exploit it.
  • Diplomacy and International Institutions
    Rome Hosts G20 Leaders, Japanese Citizens Vote, and More
    Podcast
    The Group of Twenty (G20) holds a pivotal summit in Rome, Japanese citizens head to the polls for parliamentary elections, and the twenty-sixth Conference of the Parties (COP26) begins in Glasgow.
  • Infrastructure
    Financing Global Infrastructure: The Role of the Private Sector
    If properly harnessed, private capital can help the United States meet global infrastructure needs and compete with China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
  • Latin America
    Mexico’s Energy Grid Risks Fading to Black
    President Lopez Obrador’s plan to renationalize electricity generation will make it more expensive, dirtier and less reliable and jeopardize the inclusive economic growth he says he wants. 
  • Global Governance
    The G20 Was Made for Moments Like This
    The planet is on fire, the pandemic smolders on, and the global recovery is faltering. The G20 was created for just such challenges, and the Rome summit offers it a chance to rise to the occasion. 
  • Climate Change
    COP26 Climate Summit in Glasgow: What to Expect
    Experts have warned that time is running out to avoid climate catastrophe. Will the global climate conference spark action?